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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence
Brig.genl. Willem (Kaas) van der Waals kyk terugskouend na sy loopbaan
wat gekenmerk is deur veelsydigheid — valskermsoldaat en instrukteur,
operasionele diens in SWA, Angola en Rhodesië, militêre diplomaat en
SAW se hoof van buitelandse betrekkinge.
Hy was ook dosent in strategiese studies, hoof van sielkundige
oorlogvoering, inligtingsoffisier en strategiese beplanner by die
sekretariaat van die Staatsveiligheidsraad. Daarna is hy die eerste
veiligheidshoof van die stad Pretoria.
Dis juis díé veelsydigheid wat hom enersyds met gesagsfigure in die
weermag laat bots het en andersyds wyd aanwendbaar gemaak het.
Fading Eagle - Politics and Decline of Britain's Post-War Air Force
looks at the rise and fall of British air power from a more
critical than usual angle, in particular the impact of political
ineptitude. The Royal Air Force, following a troubled start as a
result of resentful contention by the other services, rose to
prominence during the Second World War countering imminent invasion
and striking at Hitler's army and industrial complex before the
Normandy landings. Air power also proved a vital factor in support
of both land and sea operations. Post-war, the RAF continued its
newfound prominence among the armed forces, again as the principal
defender of the United Kingdom from likely Soviet air attack and as
the principal means of delivering the nuclear deterrent, countering
the submarine threat and providing rapid comprehensive air support
across the globe. Despite this, the change in political aspirations
and priorities led to decisions and policies which resulted in
unintended and unnecessary weakening of the RAF and other services.
When the Cold War ended in 1991, many western nations, Britain not
least among them, were determined that modern warfare as understood
was at an end, air power quickly became sidelined despite being
relied upon extensively since. In an era of high demand on the
armed forces in tandem with less and incompetently managed funding,
there have been calls for the RAF to be disbanded, as had been so
during the early years of its existence.
Oswald Harcourt-Davis joined the Corps of Royal Engineers in 1916
to become a despatch rider. He was allocated a Triumph motorcycle
at Abbeville France on 18th July 1916 and was attached to the
ANZACs for the duration of the war which saw him motorcycling
around the Somme and Ypres Salient areas. He won his military medal
at Messines.
On the centenary of the Russian Revolution of 1917, Mike
Makin-Waite surveys the history of the communist movement, tracking
its origins in the Enlightenment, and through nineteenth-century
socialism to the emergence of Marxism and beyond. As we emerge from
the long winter of neoliberalism, and the search is on for ideas
that can help shape a contemporary popular socialism, some of the
questions that have preoccupied socialist thinkers throughout left
history are once more being debated. Should the left press for
reform and work through the state or should it focus on protest and
a critique of the whole system? Is it possible to expand the
liberal idea of democracy to include economic democracy? Which
alliances require too great a compromise and which can help secure
future change? Arguments on questions such as these have been
raging since the mid-nineteenth century, and were the basis of the
split between Social Democrats and Communists in the aftermath of
the First World War. Mike Makin-Waite believes that revisiting
these debates can help us to avoid some of the mistakes made in the
past, and find new solutions to some of these age-old concerns. His
argument is that the democratic and liberal counter-currents that
have always existed within the communist movement have much to
offer the left project today. This unorthodox account therefore
tracks an alternative history that includes nineteenth-century
revisionists such as Karl Kautsky, Menshevik opponents of Bolshevik
oppression in 1917, Popular Front critiques of sectarianism in the
1930s, communist support for 1968's Prague Spring, and the turn to
Gramsci and Eurocommunism in the 1970s. The aim of Communism and
Democracy: history, debates and potentials is to recover some of
the hard-won insights of the critical communist tradition, in the
belief that they can still be of service to the
twenty-first-century left.
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