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Nixon's Nuclear Specter - The Secret Alert of 1969, Madman Diplomacy, and the Vietnam War (Hardcover)
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Nixon's Nuclear Specter - The Secret Alert of 1969, Madman Diplomacy, and the Vietnam War (Hardcover)
Series: Modern War Studies
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In their initial effort to end the Vietnam War, Richard Nixon and
Henry Kissinger attempted to lever concessions from Hanoi at the
negotiating table with military force and coercive diplomacy. They
were not seeking military victory, which they did not believe was
feasible. Instead, they backed up their diplomacy toward North
Vietnam and the Soviet Union with the Madman Theory of threatening
excessive force, which included the specter of nuclear force. They
began with verbal threats then bombed North Vietnamese and Viet
Cong base areas in Cambodia, signaling that there was more to come.
As the bombing expanded, they launched a previously unknown mining
ruse against Haiphong, stepped-up their warnings to Hanoi and
Moscow, and initiated planning for a massive shock-and-awe military
operation referred to within the White House inner circle as DUCK
HOOK. Beyond the mining of North Vietnamese ports and selective
bombing in and around Hanoi, the initial DUCK HOOK concept included
proposals for "tactical" nuclear strikes against logistics targets
and U.S. and South Vietnamese ground incursions into the North. In
early October 1969, however, Nixon aborted planning for the
long-contemplated operation. He had been influenced by Hanoi's
defiance in the face of his dire threats and concerned about U.S.
public reaction, antiwar protests, and internal administration
dissent. In place of DUCK HOOK, Nixon and Kissinger launched a
secret global nuclear alert in hopes that it would lend credibility
to their prior warnings and perhaps even persuade Moscow to put
pressure on Hanoi. It was to be a "special reminder" of how far
President Nixon might go. The risky gambit failed to move the
Soviets, but it marked a turning point in the administration's
strategy for exiting Vietnam. Nixon and Kissinger became
increasingly resigned to a "long-route" policy of providing Saigon
with a "decent chance" of survival for a "decent interval" after a
negotiated settlement and U.S. forces left Indochina. Burr and
Kimball draw upon extensive research in participant interviews and
declassified documents to offer a history that holds important
lessons for the present and future about the risks and
uncertainties of nuclear threat making.
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