The Seventh Crusade, led by King Louis IX of France, was the last major expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land actually to reach the Near East. The failure of his invasion of Egypt (1249-50), followed by his four-year stay in Palestine in order to retrieve the disaster, had a profound impact on the Latin West. In addition, Louis's operations in the Nile delta indirectly precipitated the Mamluk coup d'etat, which ended the rule of the Ayyubids, Saladin's dynasty, in Egypt and began the transfer of power there to a military elite that would prove to be a far more formidable enemy to the Franks of Syria and Palestine. This volume comprises translations of the principal documents and of extracts from narrative sources - both Muslim and Christian - relating to the crusade, and includes many texts, notably the account of Ibn Wasil, not previously available in English. The themes covered include: the preparations and search for allies; the campaign in the Nile delta; the impact on recruitment of the simultaneous crusade against the emperor Frederick II; the Mamluk coup and its immediate consequences in the Near East; Western reactions to the failure in Egypt; and the popular 'crusade' of the Pastoureaux in France (1251), which aimed originally to help the absent king, but which degenerated into violence against the clergy and the Jews and had to be suppressed by force.

As a boy growing up in 1970s Johannesburg Mark Gevisser would play 'Dispatcher', a game that involved sitting in his father's parked car (or in the study) and sending imaginary couriers on routes across the city, mapped out from Holmden's Register of Johannesburg. As the imaginary fleet made its way across the troubled city and its tightly bound geographies, so too did the young dispatcher begin to figure out his own place in the world. At the centre of Lost and Found in Johannesburg is the account of a young boy who is obsessed with maps and books, and other boys. Mark Gevisser's account of growing up as the gay son of Jewish immigrants, in a society deeply affected - on a daily basis - by apartheid and its legacy, provides a uniquely layered understanding of place and history. It explores a young man's maturation into a fully engaged and self-aware citizen, first of his city, then of his country and the world beyond. This is a story of memory, identity and an intensely personal relationship with the City of Gold. It is also the story of a violent home invasion and its aftermath, and of a man's determination to reclaim his home town.

Through a critical analysis of ancient African texts that predate Greco-Roman treatises Cecil Blake revisits the roots of rhetorical theory and challenges what is often advanced as the "darkness metaphor" -- the rhetorical construction of Africa and Africans. Blake offers a thorough examination of Ptah-hotep and core African ethical principles (Maat) and engages rhetorical scholarship within the wider discourse of African development. In so doing, he establishes a direct relationship between rhetoric and development studies in non-western societies and highlights the prospect for applying such principles to ameliorating the development malaise of the continent.

Deprivation and Freedom investigates the key issue of social deprivation. It looks at how serious that issue is, what we should do about it and how we might motivate people to respond to it. It covers core areas in moral and political philosophy in new and interesting ways, presents the topical example of disability as a form of social deprivation, shows that we are not doing nearly enough for certain sections of our communities and encourages that we think differently about how we should best organize our societies in the future. The book develops a comprehensive yet accessible account of human freedom, which shows how the ability to realise our freedom is partly definitive of freedom itself. That account conclusively illustrates how many deprivations represent remediable inequalities of important and very basic human freedoms, posing the question as to why societies continue to do so little about them. In answering that question, Richard J. Hull shows how the idea of social exclusion is misleading and, instead, tackles the far more pertinent and challenging issue of societies' failure to include.The moral seriousness of non-inclusion, the failure to provide for freedom, is evaluated via critical discussion of a variety of central themes and distinctions in ethical and political theory. The author shows how such themes and distinctions comprise a framework for evaluating a raft of social issues, in turn providing a unique resource for students of moral, political and applied philosophy. The book concludes with an innovative, challenging and effective combination of analytic and continental styles, so to address the critical question of how we might actually motivate constructive social change. In doing so, it shows how a variety of approaches can work successfully together to provide an emphatic case for greater social inclusion. Deprivation and Freedom shows how even fairly modest claims about social provision illustrate that we should be doing a lot more about social deprivation than we are now. It should be of interest to anyone who is concerned with questions about the type of society in which they live, what it says about us to continue as we are -- and how we might motivate realistically achievable social change.

This book examines whether Cameroon is self-sufficient in food, debt free, and politically stable, with objectivity and insight. It also examines the success or failure met by Cameroon in solving the problems of nation building, state building, and economic growth.

Most histories seek to understand modern Africa as a troubled outcome of nineteenth century European colonialism, but that is only a small part of the story. In this celebrated book, beautifully translated from the French edition, the history of Africa in the nineteenth century unfolds from the perspective of Africans themselves rather than the European powers.It was above all a time of tremendous internal change on the African continent. Great jihads of Muslim conquest and conversion swept over West Africa. In the interior, warlords competed to control the internal slave trade. In the east, the sultanate of Zanzibar extended its reach via coastal and interior trade routes. In the north, Egypt began to modernize while Algeria was colonized. In the south, a series of forced migrations accelerated, spurred by the progression of white settlement.Through much of the century African societies assimilated and adapted to the changes generated by these diverse forces. In the end, the West's technological advantage prevailed and most of Africa fell under European control and lost its independence. Yet only by taking into account the rich complexity of this tumultuous past can we fully understand modern Africa from the colonial period to independence and the difficulties of today.

Though America experienced an increase in a native-born population and an emerging African-American identity throughout the nineteenth century, African culture did not necessarily dissipate with each passing decade. Archer examines the slave narratives of four key members of the abolitionist movement Frederick Douglass, William Wells Brown, Harriet Tubman and Harriet Jacobs revealing how these highly visible proponents of the antislavery cause were able to creatively engage and at times overcome the cultural biases of their listening and reading audiences. When engaged in public sphere discourses, these individuals were not, as some scholars have suggested, inclined to accept unconditionally stereotypical constructions of their own identities. Rather they were quite skillful in negotiating between their affinity with antislavery Christianity and their own intimate involvement with slave circle dance and improvisational song, burial rites, conjuration, divination, folk medicinal practices, African dialects and African inspired festivals. The authors emerge as more complex figures than scholars have imagined. Their political views, though sometimes moderate, often reflected a strong desire to strike a fierce blow at the core of the slavocracy.

Since gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has endured a troubled history, including the longest civil war in African history in Southern Sudan and more recent conflicts such as the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. This book explores this history of ensuing conflict, examining why Sudan failed to sustain a successful modern post-colonial state. The book goes on to consider in detail the various attempts to end Sudan's conflicts and initiate political and economic reconstruction, including the failure which followed the Addis Ababa agreement of 1982 and the more recent efforts following the Nivasha agreement of 2005 which ended the civil war in the south. It critically examines how reconstruction has been envisioned and the role of the various major players in the process: including donors, NGOs, ex-combatants and the central state authority. It argues that reconstruction can only be successful if it takes into account the fundamental and irreversible transformations of society engendered by war and conflict, which in the case of Sudan includes the massive rural to urban population flows experienced during the years of warfare. It compares possible future scenarios for Sudan, and considers how the obstacles to successful post-conflict reconstruction might best be overcome. Overall, this book will not only be of interest to scholars of Sudan and regional specialists, but to all social scientists interested in the dynamics of post-conflict reconstruction and state-building.

The news media played a crucial role in the 1994 Rwanda genocide: local media fuelled the killings, while the international media either ignored or seriously misconstrued what was happening. This is the first book to explore both sides of that media equation. The book examines how local radio and print media were used as a tool of hate by encouraging neighbours to turn against each other. It also presents a critique of international media coverage of the cataclysmic events in Rwanda. Bringing together local reporters and commentators from Rwanda, high-profile Western journalists and leading media theorists, this is the only book to identify and probe the extent of the media's accountability. It also examines deliberations by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda on the role of the media in the genocide. In writing this startling record of the dangerous negative influence that the media can have, when used as a political tool or when news organisations and journalists fail to live up to their responsibilities, the authors put forward suggestions for the future; outlining how we can avoid censorship and propaganda, and arguing for a new responsibility in media reporting.

Originally published in 1969, Gladstone and Kruger examines British reactions to the Afrikaner nationalism. Beginning with the first Anglo-Boer war of 1880-81, it examines the formulation of policy after the British defeat at Majuba Hill. A that moment, the dangers of a pan-Afrikaner revolt in the Transvaal, Orange Free State and Cape Province seemed imminent, and the British presence in southern Africa seemed very much at risk. Schreuder shows how the devolution of metropolitan Imperial power on to local ministries conflicted with the Whig concern for the preservation of British dominance and prestige abroad and provides a commentary on the Liberal response to the Irish problem.

This work, while aimed at a general audience, is by no means a dreary introductory textbook. Blackman perceptively answers the reader's most pressing questions about life in ancient Thebes, providing not only an informative text but also an engaging story. Topics covered include life in ancient Luxor, how Thebes became the capital of Egypt, poems, songs and romances, and great kings in time of war.

Less than 200 km north of Pretoria, the majestic Waterberg plateau rises behind formidable ramparts that have long discouraged travellers and settlers. Reputedly used by President Kruger as a conveniently remote place to exile troublesome burghers, this rugged and scenic upland remained unknown to most South Africans until its development as an exclusive eco-tourism and hunting destination in the last 25 years. Despite (perhaps because of) its prolonged isolation and sparse population from the earliest times, the Waterberg has experienced a long and vibrant history. Yet until now, this is a history that has never been recounted in comprehensive, factual detail.

Waterberg Echoes tells the stories of the remarkable people who first settled the plateau and its surrounds and their tribulations from disease, agriculture and governmental neglect. It describes conflicts during the difeqane, the South African War and the 1914 rebellion; the stories of mines in the lowlands surrounding the plateau and the arrival of Herero refugees from Namibia in 1906; the spread of religions and education across the region; and the role of politics.

In his study of the origins of political reflection in twentieth-century African fiction, Donald Wehrs examines a neglected but important body of African texts written in colonial (English and French) and indigenous (Hausa and Yoruba) languages. He explores pioneering narrative representations of pre-colonial African history and society in seven texts: Casely Hayford's Ethiopia Unbound (1911), Alhaji Sir Abubaker Tafawa Balewa's Shaihu Umar (1934), Paul Hazoume's Doguicimi (1938), D.O. Fagunwa's Forest of a Thousand Daemons (1938), Amos Tutuola's The Palm-Wine Drinkard (1952) and My Life in the Bush of Ghosts (1954), and Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart (1958). Wehrs highlights the role of pre-colonial political economies and articulations of state power on colonial-era considerations of ethical and political issues, and is attentive to the gendered implications of texts and authorial choices. By positioning Things Fall Apart as the culmination of a tradition, rather than as its inaugural work, he also reconfigures how we think of African fiction. His book supplements recent work on the importance of indigenous contexts and discourses in situating colonial-era narratives and will inspire fresh methodological strategies for studying the continent from a multiplicity of perspectives.

Examining American foreign policy towards the Horn of Africa between 1945 and 1991, this book uses Ethiopia and Somalia as case studies to offer an evaluation of the decision-making process during the Cold War, and consider the impact that these decisions had upon subsequent developments both within the Horn of Africa and in the wider international context. The decision-making process is studied, including the role of the president, the input of his advisers and lower level officials within agencies such as the State Department and National Security Council, and the parts played by Congress, bureaucracies, public opinion, and other actors within the international environment, especially the Soviet Union, Ethiopia and Somalia. Jackson examines the extent to which influences exerted by forces other than the president affected foreign policy, and provides the first comprehensive analysis of American foreign policy towards Ethiopia and Somalia throughout the Cold War. This book offers a fresh perspective on issues such as globalism, regionalism, proxy wars, American aid programmes, anti-communism and human rights. It will be of great interest to students and academics in various fields, including American foreign policy, American Studies and Politics, the history of the Cold War, and the history of the Horn of Africa during the modern era.

In Queer African Cinemas, Lindsey B. Green-Simms examines films produced by and about queer Africans in the first two decades of the twenty-first century in an environment of increasing antiqueer violence, efforts to criminalize homosexuality, and other state-sanctioned homophobia. Green-Simms argues that these films not only record the fear, anxiety, and vulnerability many queer Africans experience; they highlight how queer African cinematic practices contribute to imagining new hopes and possibilities. Examining globally circulating international art films as well as popular melodramas made for local audiences, Green-Simms emphasizes that in these films queer resistance-contrary to traditional narratives about resistance that center overt and heroic struggle-is often practiced from a position of vulnerability. By reading queer films alongside discussions about censorship and audiences, Green-Simms renders queer African cinema as a rich visual archive that documents the difficulty of queer existence as well as the potentials for queer life-building and survival.

Southern Africa surveys the contemporary history of the whole region encompassing economic, social, political, security, foreign policy, health, environmental and gender issues in one short succinct volume. Positioning the collapse of Portugal's African Empire in the context of the region's history since 1945, Farley asserts that this collapse set in motion a train of events that eventually led to the transition of power from minority to majority rule in Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. He examines the experiences of these countries as well as the former High Commission territories of Swaziland, Botswana and Lesotho to analyse the kind of states that evolved and shows how Southern Africa's present problems are the inevitable result of a long history of white rule. The book assesses the challenges faced by Southern Africa's political leaders up to the present day and discusses how these problems might be successfully addressed in the future. With maps, a chronology and glossary, this is a valuable resource for all those interested in African history, politics and culture.

Betrayed Trust is the first close, scholarly examination of African homestead society in Natal during the colonial period. Carefully researched and dispassionately written, it is an account of dispossession - and of what dispossession meant in real terms. John Lambert has added a very important dimension to the history of this region. In delineating the wider implications of land deprivation, he has provided vital background to the emotionally charged question of land redistribution.

An Open Access edition of this book is available on the Liverpool University Press website and the OAPEN library. Improvising Reconciliation is prompted by South Africa's enduring state of injustice. It is both a lament for the promise, since lost, with which non-racial democracy was inaugurated and, more substantially, a space within which to consider its possible renewal. As such, this study lobbies for an expanded approach to the country's formal transition from apartheid in order to grapple with reconciliation's ongoing potential within the contemporary imaginary. It does not, however, presume to correct the contradictions that have done so much to corrupt the concept in recent decades. Instead, it upholds the language of reconciliation for strategic, rather than essential, reasons. And while this study surveys some of the many serious critiques levelled at the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (1996-2001), these misgivings help situate the plural, improvised approach to reconciliation that has arguably emerged from the margins of the cultural sphere in the years since. Improvisation serves here as a separate way of both thinking and doing reconciliation. It recalibrates the concept according to a series of deliberative, agonistic and iterative, rather than monumental, interventions, rendering reconciliation in terms that make failure a necessary condition for its future realisation.

This title was first published in 2000: This book considers the fortunes of socialism in South Africa from the doctrine's arrival around 1900 to its legal suppression in 1950. Socialism's universal claims had to come to terms with South Africa's singular national experience in which a racial ideology and a racial division of the working class played a far greater role than in any other country. The left in South Africa had to deal with all the complexities of ideology and strategy that faced their counterparts in Europe and North America; but in South Africa it was further vexed by challenges of profound racial and national inequalities and a white labour movement which sought protection through racial segregation. Communism, rather than Social Democracy, prevailed; hence the reverberations of the splits in the Communist International were far more debilitating in South Africa than anywhere else. In the years after World War II African nationalism became the dominant influence on the South African left, chiefly through the relationship between the ANC and the Communist Party. Discordant Comrades draws on a wide range of primary sources from inside and outside South Africa, including the archives of the Communist International in Moscow. The result is a scholarly and challenging analysis of the South African left.

This work, first published in 1977, is a study of African responses to European conquest in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It centers on the Muslim pastoral tribes and oasis communities which inhabited southeastern Morocco, a semi-arid region on the northern fringe of the Sahara Desert. Between 1881 and 1912 the French army, advancing from Algeria, invaded and occupied this region. This book examines the decades of French conquest as an episode in African, rather than European, colonial or military history.

The articles collected in this study, first published in 1993, concentrates on African struggles to maintain their autonomy. Although the history of interaction between African peoples and those from outside that continent is old, for most of Africa colonial domination by European powers was both relatively recent and relatively short phenomenon. In 1970 most Africans lived in independent societies; by 1915 all by two African states had been conquered by Europeans. Resistance to European domination by Africans was continuous, although the level on which is occurred varied. As the articles in this collection show, the costs of conquest to Africans was great. This title will be of interest to students of African history and Imperialism.

In this title, originally published in 1920, Leonard Woolf traces the history of economic imperialism and explores the relations of Europe and Africa since 1876. This analysis of economic imperialism helped to shape attitudes to colonialism for more than one generation of radicals and socialists, and still has the power to influence and inform today.

Egypt's history is interwoven with conflicts of Bedouin, governments and peasants, competing over same cultivated lands and of migrations of nomads from the deserts to the Nile Valley. Mehemet Ali's era represented the initial ending of the traditional tribalism, and the beginning of emergence of a semi-urban community, which became an integral part of the sedentarised population.

Providing a new perspective on tribal life in Egypt under Mehemet Ali Pasha's rule, The Pasha's Bedouin examines the social and political aspects of the Bedouin during 1805-1848. By highlighting the complex relationships which developed between the government of the Pasha and the Bedouin, Reuven Aharoni sets out to expose the Bedouin as a specialised social sector of the urban economy and as integral to the economic and political life in Egypt at the time. This study aims to question of whether the elements of bureaucratic culture which characterised the central and provincial administration of the Pasha, indicate special attitudes towards this sector of the population. Subjects covered include:

• The 'Bedouin' policy of Mehemet Ali
• Territory and identity, tribal economies
• Tribe and state relations
• Tribal leadership

With a long experience in fieldwork among Bedouin in the Sinai and the Negev, as well as using a range of archival documents and manuscripts both in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish, this highly researched book provides an essential read for historians, anthropologists and political scientists in the field of social and political history of the Middle East.

Reuven Aharoni, Ph.D (2001) in Middle Eastern History, Tel-AvivUniversity, teaches history of the Middle East at the Haifa University and at the Open University of Israel.

July 1960: The newly independent Congo is hit by the secession of its mineral rich-province Katanga, led by Moise Tshombe and backed by Belgium and Britain. June 1961: Dr Conor Cruise O'Brien arrives in Katanga as Special Representative of United Nations Secretary General Dag Hammarskjoeld, his task (under a UN resolution) to arrest and repatriate the mercenaries and foreign interests propping up Tshombe. The consequences of this mission will prove fateful for all parties. This is the story of how a brilliant Irish diplomat found himself in Africa amid one of history's maelstroms. O'Brien reconstructs the complex, tragic, sometimes comic events of a drama in which he found himself controversially at centre stage. The result is history from the inside: a valuable study of 'the game of nations', and of the UN's unique functioning and malfunctioning.

On 22 January 1879, British forces in Zululand suffered a shocking and unimaginable defeat at the hands of the Zulus resulting in over 1300 dead, including more than 800 regular British soldiers. But the Zulu victory came at a cost, and their losses were very heavy too. Yet, surprisingly, scattered in archives, museums, and private collections around the world, sits many first-hand accounts from those who were there. Inaccessible to most, these primary sources are vital to our understanding of the battle and how it unfolded, and they shed important light on the experiences of those who were there on that fateful day. British soldiers, those from the colonial forces, civilians, and those Zulu warriors who attacked the camp, all left detailed descriptions of the battle. By bringing these sources together, this book-the largest collection of primary accounts ever gathered on the battle - allows the reader to view all sources under one roof, providing a better understanding of the battle, how it played out, and what those involved witnessed on that monumental day in both British and Zulu history.