Sir E. A. Wallis Budge (1857-1934) was Keeper of the British Museum's department of oriental antiquities from 1894 until his retirement in 1924. Carrying out many missions to Egypt in search of ancient objects, Budge was hugely successful in collecting papyri, statues and other artefacts for the trustees of the British Museum: numbering into the thousands and of great cultural and historical significance. Budge published well over 100 monographs, which shaped the development of future scholarship and are still of great academic value today, dealing with subjects such as Egyptian religion, history and literature. First published in 1912, this work is the second of two volumes which deal explicitly with ancient Egyptian literature. This volume contains Egyptian texts, with English translations, taken from the Seven Stelae which originally stood in a group at the great temple at Gebel Barkal. The texts describe areas of the history of Egypt, including the principal events which took place in the kingdom of Napata from c.750 B.C. to 500 B.C. Also including a number of other texts and a range of detailed images and hieroglyphics, this classic work will be of interest to scholars and students of Ancient Egyptian literature, language and history.

Sir E. A. Wallis Budge (1857-1934) was Keeper of the British Museum's department of oriental antiquities from 1894 until his retirement in 1924. Carrying out many missions to Egypt in search of ancient objects, Budge was hugely successful in collecting papyri, statues and other artefacts for the trustees of the British Museum: numbering into the thousands and of great cultural and historical significance. Budge published well over 100 monographs, which shaped the development of future scholarship and are still of great academic value today, dealing with subjects such as Egyptian religion, history and literature. First published in 1908, this is the first of two volumes dealing with the kings of Egypt. Using a variety of material from the British Library's extensive collections, Budge meticulously collated the names of the Pharaohs and royal personages from the 1st to the 19th Dynasties of Egypt. With a detailed discussion concerning Egyptian chronology, this classic work will be of great interest and value to scholars and students of Ancient Egyptian history and archaeology.

Sir E. A. Wallis Budge (1857-1934) was Keeper of the British Museum's department of oriental antiquities from 1894 until his retirement in 1924. Carrying out many missions to Egypt in search of ancient objects, Budge was hugely successful in collecting papyri, statues and other artefacts for the trustees of the British Museum: numbering into the thousands and of great cultural and historical significance. Budge published well over 100 monographs, which shaped the development of future scholarship and are still of great academic value today, dealing with subjects such as Egyptian religion, history and literature. First published in 1908, this is the second of two volumes dealing with the kings of Egypt. Using a variety of material from the British Library's extensive collections, Budge meticulously collated the names of the Pharaohs and royal personages from the 20th to the 30th Dynasties of Egypt. With a detailed discussion concerning Egyptian chronology, this classic work will be of great interest and value to scholars and students of Ancient Egyptian history and archaeology.

The Shining Path was one of the most brutal insurgencies ever seen in the Western Hemisphere. Political Violence and the Authoritarian State in Peru explores the devastating effects of insurgent violence and the state's brutal counterinsurgency methods on Peruvian civil society.

Ever since Nasser overthrew Prince Farouk in 1952, Egypt has held a special, leading position within the Arab world. It is now facing major problems, the most serious of which are the growing strength of the Muslim fundamentalists, continuing population growth and external debt problems. Together, these are creating a volatile and potentially explosive climate. In this book, the journalist Anthony McDermott examines the development of Egypt from Revolution to the present, describing various features of Egyptian society and the contributions of its leaders. He asks whether Egypt has fulfilled its expected role as the model for Arab and developing countries or whether the peace pact made by Sadat with Israel was a major error, causing Egypt's withdrawal under Mubarak from the centre of international politics. The book is lively and readable and provides a challenging introduction to the development and problems of the largest country in the Middle East. First published 1988.

As the leaders of a revolutionary, nationalist regime, the Egyptian Free Officers who came to power following the 1952 Revolution committed themselves to the attainment of goals associated with modernization, namely rapid economic development based on State planning and industrialization and the political mobilization of society along State-decreed lines. Arising from a conference held at the Centre of Middle Eastern Studies at SOAS, with contributions from scholars from the Arab world, Europe and the US as well as the UK, these papers raise the questions most important to students of economic and political development.

Egypt was the first of the Arab-speaking Muslim countries to come into close contact with modern European states. The experience was not a particularly happy one. It resulted in political and economic subjugation and in the breakdown of her traditional culture and society: but it led also to her emancipation from the Ottoman Empire and to the eventual development of a modern and autonomous Egyptian identity. The central aim of this book is to trace the history of Egypt during this period of change, from Napoleon's invasion at the end of the eighteenth century to the Free Officer's Revolution in the middle of the twentieth. The author describes the effects of European - particularly British and French - involvement on the course of Egyptian history, shown variously for example in her changing trade pattern, in her forced participation in two world wars and in the planning and construction of the Suez Canal. One of these effects was to stimulate the development of Egyptian nationalism and the emergence of her own leaders. A major factor in the course of Egyptian history, and one of which the author is constantly aware, was the European ignorance of Islamic and Arabic thought and attitudes, which was largely responsible for the misunderstandings and conflicts which characterized the period. The book provides a valuable analysis of interaction between communities with different and sometimes opposing value systems. To understand this interaction is essential to the study of the history, politics and culture of the Middle East.

The name and fame of Muhammad Ali, the Founder of Modern Egypt, are well known. His vivid personality has appealed to many writers, who have concentrated the limelight on him. Some of them have allowed Muhammad Ali's son, Ibrahim, to appear on the stage, but they have assigned him a more or less obscure role. They refer to him as the sword wielded by his astute father, and have usually treated him as if he knew nothing of statesmanship, and were merely a bluff soldier whose military talents happened to be superior to those of the generals opposed to him. This book seeks to redress this error and bring the truth into its proper perspective. It does not belittle the glory of Muhammad Ali, but it stresses the part played by Ibrahim in the affairs of Egypt. First published 1935.

Merely to inhabit a desert demands much skill, craft, experience and travel. For the numerous nomadic tribes of Africa and the Middle East, living ancestors of the Egyptians, Jews and Arabs, Egypt is their meeting ground. The author, with twenty-five years of accumulated knowledge, here sets out to present analyses of their cultures and beliefs, along with descriptions of each tribe. First published 1935.

This book explores the political relationship between the Muslim majority and Coptic minority in Egypt between 1918 and 1952. Many Egyptians hoped to see the collaboration of the 1919 revolution spur the creation of both a new collective Egyptian identity and a state without religious bias. Traditional ways of governing, however, were not so easily cast aside. Some Egyptians held tenaciously to the traditional arrangements which had both guaranteed Muslim primacy and served relatively well to protect the Copts and afford them some autonomy. Differences within the Coptic community over the wisdom of trusting the genuineness and durability of Muslim support for equality were accentuated by a protracted struggle between reforming laymen and conservative clergy for control of the community. The unwillingness of all parties to compromise hampered the ability of the community both to determine and to defend its interests. The Copts met with modest success in their attempt to become full Egyptian citizens. Their influence in the Wafd, the pre-eminent political party, was very strong prior to and in the early years of the constitutional monarchy, and their formal representation was generally adequate and, in some parliaments, better than adequate. However, this very success produced a backlash which caused many Copts to believe, by the 1940s, that the experiment had failed: political activity has become fraught with risk for them. At the close of the monarchy, equality and shared power seemed motions as distant as in the disheartening years before the 1919 revolution.

A work of history, culture, politics, economics, packed with period photographs and period insights.

Oil, diamonds, timber, food aid - just some of the suggestions put forward as explanations for African wars in the past decade. Another set of suggestions focuses on ethnic and clan considerations. These economic and ethnic or clan explanations contend that wars are specifically not fought by states for political interests with mainly conventional military means, as originally suggested by Carl von Clausewitz in the 19th century. This study shows how alternative social organizations to the state can be viewed as political actors using war as a political instrument.

Many of the photographs are as familiar as they are iconic: Nelson Mandela gazing through the bars of his prison cell on Robben Island; a young Miriam Makeba smiling and dancing; Hugh Masekela as a schoolboy receiving the gift of a trumpet from Louis Armstrong; Henry ‘Mr Drum’ Nxumalo; the Women’s March of 1955; the Sophiatown removals; the funeral of the Sharpeville massacre victims …

Photographer Jürgen Schadeberg was the man behind the camera, recording history as it unfolded in apartheid South Africa, but his personal story is no less extraordinary. His affiliation for the displaced, the persecuted and the marginalised was already deeply rooted by the time he came to South Africa from Germany in 1950 and began taking pictures for the fledgling Drum magazine. In this powerfully evocative memoir of an international, award-winning career spanning over 50 years – in Europe, Africa and the US – this behind-the-scenes journey with a legendary photojournalist and visual storyteller is a rare and special privilege.

Schadeberg’s first-hand experiences as a child in Berlin during the Second World War, where he witnessed the devastating effect of the repressive Nazi regime, and felt the full wrath of the Allied Forces’ relentless bombing of the city, are vividly told. The only child of an actress, who left her son largely to his own devices, Jürgen became skilled at living by his wits, and developed a resourcefulness that held him in good stead throughout his life. At the end of the war, his mother married a British officer and emigrated to South Africa, leaving Jürgen behind in a devastated Germany to fend for himself. With some luck and a great deal of perseverance, he was able to pursue his interest in photography in Hamburg, undergoing training as an unpaid ‘photographic volunteer’ at the German Press Agency, then graduating to taking photos at football matches.

After two years there, Jürgen made the decision to travel to South Africa. He arrived at Johannesburg station on a cold winter’s morning. He had a piece of paper with his mother’s address on it, his worldly possessions in a small, cheap suitcase on the platform beside him, and his Leica camera, as always, around his neck.

The Liberal Party of South Africa was founded in 1953 to promote nonracial democratic liberalism in opposition to white supremacist apartheid. Under Alan Paton, it quickly moved into the extra-parliamentary field and won considerable black support, competing with Communism and black nationalism. Growing influence brought heavy government attack, and the 'banning' of nearly 50 of its leaders, black and white. Despite forced dissolution in 1968, the Liberals' ideas have triumphed over those of left and right in the 'new South Africa'.

Although it is often simplified as an "ethnic conflict" in popular media, the current crisis in Darfur can only be superficially defined across ethnic lines. Any long-term solution to the conflict must also address the underlying social and environmental influences such as changing resource dynamics, expanding poverty, lack of infrastructure, and political corruption, which have brought the crisis to a head. This project diverges from previous studies by examining how the dynamic interaction between the environment, local governance, and national policy in Sudan has resulted in the Darfur crisis. It demonstrates how ecological degradation and the breakdown of community governance have destabilized the region, and how corruption and incompetence at the national level have culminated in the current crisis. Analyzing the interplay of these factors will yield valuable insights as to how a concerned international community can both end the tragic genocide and address the underlying injustices that engendered it. The analysis presented will be informative and accessible to a wide readership of students, academics, and concerned citizens.

President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia was an Arab leader greatly admired in the West for his moderation and level headedness. He led his small country to independence after a prolonged struggle against the French coloniser. He suffered long periods of deprivation and imprisonment before he acceded to supreme rule. His country has much to thank him for but he ruled too long and ended his reign in the tragedy of senility and absolutism. This book is a sympathetic study of a long and fascinating life.

After a lifetime's close observation of the continent, one of the world's finest Africa correspondents has penned a landmark book on life and death in modern Africa. It takes a guide as observant, experienced, and patient as Richard Dowden to reveal its truths. Dowden combines a novelist's gift for atmosphere with the scholar's grasp of historical change as he spins tales of cults and commerce in Senegal and traditional spirituality in Sierra Leone; analyzes the impact of oil and the internet on Nigeria and aid on Sudan; and examines what has gone so badly wrong in Zimbabwe, Rwanda, Burundi, and the Congo. Dowden's master work is an attempt to explain why Africa is the way it is, and enables its readers to see and understand this miraculous continent as a place of inspiration and tremendous humanity.

"A survey of South African history from the formation of early human communities to the present. "" ""The Making of South Africa "provides a detailed understanding of all the forces that have shaped South Africa to date. It represents a valuable and unique addition to the field by emphasizing African voices as well as recent developments in South Africa, including analyses on the post-transition political change, the World Cup of soccer, and pubic health issues. The text incorporates important new perspectives on South African geography and the spatial dimensions of segregation and apartheid. It also covers environmental studies and the dynamic literature on identities and ethnicity while highlighting how Europeans and Africans shaped the environment, politics, and the economy to develop a complex multi-ethnic nation. Learning GoalsUpon completing this book readers will be able to:

• Understand how South Africa became the nation it is today
• View South African history from the point of view of Africans as well as Europeans who have settled there
• Assess the impact of cultural, political, social, economic, geographical, environmental, and health-related forces on South African history

Proceeding from a longitudinal analysis of Nigeria's governorship history, "The""Route to Power in Nigeria" shows how personalities have for the most part overwhelmed institutions, to the detriment of the country's democratic consolidation. While it is customary to hold leaders solely responsible for the predicament of Nigeria's governorship, M.J. Balogun argues they could not have accomplished the task entirely by themselves. Here we see how the "silent majority," individuals who exploit weaknesses in the system, and those who have lost hope of casting votes in free elections play important roles in subverting the democratic system in Nigeria.

Origins of Pan-Africanism: Henry Sylvester Williams, Africa, and the African Diaspora recounts the life story of the pioneering Henry Sylvester Williams, an unknown Trinidadian son of an immigrant carpenter in the late-19th and early 20th century. Williams, then a student in Britain, organized the African Association in 1897, and the first-ever Pan-African Conference in 1900. He is thus the progenitor of the OAU/AU. Some of those who attended went on to work in various pan-African organizations in their homelands. He became not only a qualified barrister, but the first Black man admitted to the Bar in Cape Town, and one of the first two elected Black borough councilors in London. These are remarkable achievements for anyone, especially for a Black man of working-class origins in an era of gross racial discrimination and social class hierarchies. Williams died in 1911, soon after his return to his homeland, Trinidad. Through original research, Origins of Pan-Africanism: Henry Sylvester Williams, Africa, and the African Diaspora is set in the social context of the times, providing insight not only into a remarkable man who has been heretofore virtually written out of history, but also into the African Diaspora in the UK a century ago.

This book presents a series of essays by leading English and French scholas examining the politics, economics, international relations and defects of the literary scene of France and the former territories of francophone West Africa since 1965. The approach is emphatically a thematic one rather than a country-by-country analysis.

The Colonial Legacy in Somalia is an investigation into the relationship between Rome and Mogadishu, from the period of colonial administration to the recent dramatic events of Operation Restore Hope. It defines the first Italian incursions in the Horn of Africa, the history of the expansionist plans of an imperial late comer, such as Italy, and explores the decade of the Trusteeship Administration from 1950-1960 when Italy tried to introduce a new state system in Mogadishu: It analyzes the events of the 1970s and 1980s when Siad Barre's regime, in spite of his repressive and violent attitude, enjoyed strong support from the former colonial power. The book demonstrates a love-hate relationship between Rome and Mogadishu in the colonial and postcolonial period and examines the consequences of this interaction.