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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Other warfare & defence issues > Arms negotiation & control
The US has embarked on a military adventure, "a long war", which threatens the future of humanity. US-NATO weapons of mass destruction are portrayed as instruments of peace. Mini-nukes are said to be "harmless to the surrounding civilian population". Pre-emptive nuclear war is portrayed as a "humanitarian undertaking". While one can conceptualise the loss of life and destruction resulting from present-day wars including Iraq and Afghanistan, it is impossible to fully comprehend the devastation which might result from a Third World War, using "new technologies" and advanced weapons, until it occurs and becomes a reality. The international community has endorsed nuclear war in the name of world peace. "Making the world safer" is the justification for launching a military operation which could potentially result in a nuclear holocaust. Nuclear war has become a multi-billion dollar undertaking, which fills the pockets of US defence contractors. What is at stake is the outright "privatisation of nuclear war". The Pentagon's global military design is one of world conquest. The military deployment of US-NATO forces is occurring in several regions of the world simultaneously. Central to an understanding of war, is the media campaign which grants it legitimacy in the eyes of public opinion. A good versus evil dichotomy prevails. The perpetrators of war are presented as the victims. Public opinion is misled. Breaking the "big lie", which upholds war as a humanitarian undertaking, means breaking a criminal project of global destruction, in which the quest for profit is the overriding force. This profit-driven military agenda destroys human values and transforms people into unconscious zombies. The object of this book is to forcefully reverse the tide of war, challenge the war criminals in high office and the powerful corporate lobby groups which support them.
Arms control and nonproliferation efforts are two of the tools that have occasionally been used to implement U.S. national security strategy. Although some believe these tools do little to restrain the behaviour of U.S. adversaries, while doing too much to restrain U.S. military forces and operations, many other analysts see them as an effective means to promote transparency, ease military planning, limit forces, and protect against uncertainty and surprise. Arms control and nonproliferation efforts have produced formal treaties and agreements, informal arrangements, and cooperative threat reduction and monitoring mechanisms. The pace of implementation for many of these agreements slowed during the Clinton Administration, and the Bush Administration usually preferred unilateral or ad hoc measures to formal treaties and agreements to address U.S. security concerns. The Obama Administration resumed bilateral negotiations with Russia and pledged its support for a number of multilateral arms control and nonproliferation efforts, but succeeded in negotiating only a few of its priority agreements. This book summarises cooperative activities conducted during the full 20 years of U.S. threat reduction and nonproliferation assistance.
This work, focused on the hegemonic power and exacerbated militarism that represent projects and realities like the anti-missile "defense" conceived by different administrations in the US after World War II, is a thorough investigation into this problem. The author searched on the origins of the American military project and the evolution of military science and technology during the four decades of the so-called "Cold War" and in the context of the landscape of contemporary international politics and the great confrontation with the then Soviet adversary. The research is framed within the historical sciences and policies, extending the period of post-Cold War and to the Barack Obama administration, appreciating the impact of geo-strategic deployment of the anti-missile "defense," for international security and the relations of the United States with Europe, Russia and China, in a stage convulsive and turbulent of the international system in transition or development in the XXI century.
"Canada's Deadly Secret" chronicles the struggle over Saskatchewan's uranium mining, the front end of the global nuclear system. It digs into impacts on Aboriginal rights, environmental health and the effect of free trade, tracing Saskatchewan's pivotal role in nuclear proliferation and the spread of contamination and cancer. Harding shows that nuclear energy cannot address global warming, nor is there a "peaceful atom." The book goes inside biased public inquiries; it exposes PR campaigns of half-truths and untruths and the penetration of nuclear propaganda into our schools. "Canada's Deadly Secret" also highlights successes in holding back nuclear expansion. It presents an alternative, ecological vision for a sustainable future that not only takes up the invitation coming from renewable energies, it also links energy, environment, health, peace and sovereignty.
An attacker's missile-borne countermeasures to ballistic missile defenses are known as penetration aids, or penaids. To support efforts to prevent the proliferation of penaid-related items, this research recommends controls on potential exports according to the structure of the international Missile Technology Control Regime.
"Assesses alternatives for a next-generation intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) across a broad set of potential characteristics and situations and weighs them against the costs of those alternatives."
A North Korean government collapse would have serious consequences, including a humanitarian disaster and civil war. The Republic of Korea and the United States can help mitigate the consequences, seeking unification by being prepared to deliver humanitarian aid in the North, stop conflict, demilitarize the North Korean military over time, secure and eliminate North Korean weapons of mass destruction, and manage Chinese intervention.
Report assesses whether the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty continues to serve America's national interests, or whether adherence unduly constrains the U.S. ability to effectively respond to emerging security threats. Analyzes challenges confronting the United States from Iran, North Korea, India, Pakistan, and China, and considers the potential role of a future U.S. land-based, intermediate-range conventional ballistic missile system.
LA INMINENTE INVASION DE LA GUERRA DE LA DROGA DE MEXICO
Deterrence remains a primary doctrine for dealing with the threat of nuclear weapons in the 21st century. The author reviews the history of nuclear deterrence and calls for a renewed intellectual effort to address the relevance of concepts such as first strike, escalation, extended deterrence, and other Cold War-era strategies in today's complex world of additional superpowers, smaller nuclear powers, and nonstate actors.
Nuclear technology is dual use in nature, meaning that it can be used to produce nuclear energy or to build nuclear weapons. Despite security concerns about proliferation, the United States and other nuclear nations have regularly shared with other countries nuclear technology, materials, and knowledge for peaceful purposes. In Atomic Assistance, Matthew Fuhrmann argues that governments use peaceful nuclear assistance as a tool of economic statecraft. Nuclear suppliers hope that they can reap the benefits of foreign aid improving relationships with their allies, limiting the influence of their adversaries, enhancing their energy security by gaining favorable access to oil supplies without undermining their security. By providing peaceful nuclear assistance, however, countries inadvertently help spread nuclear weapons. Fuhrmann draws on several cases of "Atoms for Peace," including U.S. civilian nuclear assistance to Iran from 1957 to 1979; Soviet aid to Libya from 1975 to 1986; French, Italian, and Brazilian nuclear exports to Iraq from 1975 to 1981; and U.S. nuclear cooperation with India from 2001 to 2008. He also explores decision making in countries such as Japan, North Korea, Pakistan, South Africa, and Syria to determine why states began (or did not begin) nuclear weapons programs and why some programs succeeded while others failed. Fuhrmann concludes that, on average, countries receiving higher levels of peaceful nuclear assistance are more likely to pursue and acquire the bomb especially if they experience an international crisis after receiving aid."
Local Peacebuilding and National Peace is a collection of essays that examines the effects of local peacebuilding efforts on national peace initiatives. The book looks at violent and protracted struggles in which local people have sought to make their own peace with local combatants in a variety of ways, and how such initiatives have affected and have been affected by national level strategies. Chapters on theories of local and national peacemaking are combined with chapters on recent efforts to carry out such processes in warn torn societies such as Africa, Asia, and South America, with essays contributed by experts who were actually actively involved in the peacemaking process. With its unique focus on the interaction of peacemaking at local and national levels, the book will fill a gap in the literature. It will be of interest to students and researchers in such fields as peace studies, conflict resolution, international relations, postwar recovery and development.
This book focuses on subjects of great topical interest, such as nuclear disarmament, trade in arms, peacekeeping and conflict resolution, environmental security and sustainability. Major themes include the elimination of nuclear weapons, control of the arms trade, the role of multinational and international organizations in peace-keeping, environmental sustainability and security in the Nordic/Baltic region.
Since August 2003, negotiations over North Korea's nuclear weapons have involved six governments: the U.S., North Korea, China, South Korea, Japan and Russia. Since the talks began, North Korea has operated nuclear facilities at Yongbyon and apparently has produced weapons-grade plutonium estimated as sufficient for five to eight atomic weapons. U.S. officials have cited evidence that North Korea also operates a secret highly enriched uranium program, which also could produce atomic weapons. This book summarizes what is known from open sources about the North Korean nuclear weapons program and assesses current developments in achieving denuclearisation. This book consists of public documents which have been located, gathered, combined, reformatted, and enhanced with a subject index, selectively edited and bound to provide easy access.
The purpose of the book is to provide guidance to politicians, diplomatic, high ranking military officers, military experts, journalists and academics during the preparation of national policies on non-proliferation, disarmament and arms control. The United Nations disarmament machinery, including the Conference on Disarmament could use this book as a reference when preparing different proposals of actions to be implemented by the international community in order to preserve international peace and security. Another purpose of this book is to serve as a guidance to high ranking military officers, disarmament experts, journalists and academics in their daily researcher work, as well as to serve as teaching materials in post-graduated studies in the field of disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control.
Much has been said and written about the failure of U.S. intelligence to prevent the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, and its overestimation of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction under Saddam Hussein. This book focuses instead on the central role that intelligence-collection systems play in promoting arms control and disarmament. Ambassador Thomas Graham Jr. and Keith Hansen bring more than fifty combined years of experience to this discussion of the capabilities of technical systems, which are primarily based in space. Their history of the rapid advancement of surveillance technology is a window into a dramatic reconceptualization of Cold War strategies and policy planning. Graham and Hansen focus on the intelligence successes against Soviet strategic nuclear forces and the quality of the intelligence that has made possible accurate assessments of WMD programs in North Korea, Iran, and Libya. Their important insights shed a much-needed light on the process of verifying how the world harnesses the proliferation of nuclear arms and the continual drive for advancements in technology.
Adopted in April 2004, UN Security Council Resolution 1540 obliges all states to take steps to prevent non-state actors, especially terrorist organizations and arms traffickers, from acquiring weapons of mass destruction and related materials. The United Nations placed itself firmly in the center of one of the world's key international security challenges. Global Non-Proliferation and Counter-Terrorism brings together renowned scholars and policymakers to examine a wide range of new policy-related questions arising from the resolution's impact on the bio-scientific community, the Chemical Weapons Convention, the IAEA, trade and customs, and counter-proliferation initiatives such as the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). The impact of 1540 goes beyond setting new legal requirements. It focuses on enforcement not only nationally but also internationally, pressing all states to place their own houses in order. Among the key questions is how the resolution will change the existing network of non-proliferation regimes. Will it merely reinforce requirements of the existing non-proliferation treaties? Or will it offer a legal framework for counter-proliferation activities and other measures to enforce the non-proliferation network? This book provides an overview of the novel policy questions UNSCR 1540's future implementation and enforcement will offer for years to come. Contributors include Jeffrey Almond, Thomas J. Biersteker (Brown University), Olivia Bosch (Chatham House), Gerald Epstein (CSIS), Chandre Gould (Center for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town )], Ron Manley (former OPCW Director of Verification) Sarah Meek (ISS), Siew Gay Ong (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Singapore), Elizabeth Prescott (AAAS Congressional Fellow), Tariq Rauf (IAEA), Will Robinson (World Customs Organization), Roelof Jan Manschot (Eurojust), Peter van Ham (Netherlands Institute of International Relations), Ted Whiteside (NATO), and Angela Woodward (VERTIC).
Congress established the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program (CRT) in 1991 so that the United States could assist the former Soviet Republics with the safe and secure transportation, storage and elimination of nuclear weapons. The CRT program seeks to reduce the threat these weapons pose to the United States and to reduce the proliferation risks from nuclear weapons and materials in the former Soviet Union. Congress has authorised and appropriated around USD300-USD400 million each year for CTR. have questioned whether all of the proposed and ongoing projects contribute to US national security. Some have questioned Russia's commitment, both political and financial to some of the projects. This book reviews many of the concerns that have been raised in Congress during debates over CTR. It also provides a summary of the funding for different CTR projects and presents an analysis of CTR and its structure and impact. Contents: Preface; Overview of the CTR Program; Evolving Rationale, Program Implementation, Focus of the CTR Programs, Value of U.S. Assistance under CTR, Scope of the CTR Programs, Russia's Financial Commitment to CTR Programs, Linkage between U.S. Assistance and Russian Policies. Subject Index.
Has the purpose of the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty become obsolete, or has its function been taken over by other institutions? This report illustrates that although it no longer functions as its designers intended, the treaty continues to contribute to the region's stability.
Nuclear tests in India and Pakistan brought the threat of nuclear war back to the world's centre stage. The tests and nuclear moves have raised regional tension, increased poverty in already impoverished nations, and could possibly have fuelled an arms race which goes beyond the borders of the two countries. This text examines the causes and consequences of India and Pakistani nuclear tests. The book provides a framework for understanding the global context of these tests, and looks at approaches for nuclear abolition in Asia and the West. |
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