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Books > Law > Laws of other jurisdictions & general law > Constitutional & administrative law
In this monograph, Aiste Mickonyte examines the compliance of the European anti-cartel enforcement procedure with the presumption of innocence under Article 6(2) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The author maintains that the pursuit of manifestly severe punishment with insistence of the European Commission on administrative-level procedural safeguards is inconsistent with the robust standards of protection under the Convention. Arguing that EU anti-cartel procedure is criminal within the meaning of the Convention, this work considers this procedure in light of the core elements of the presumption of innocence such as the burden of proof and the principle of fault. The author zeroes in on the de facto automatic liability of parental companies for offences committed by their subsidiaries.
Surveys show that the all-volunteer military is our most respected
and trusted institution, but over the last thirty-five years it has
grown estranged from civilian society. Without a draft, imperfect
as it was, the military is no longer as representative of civilian
society. Fewer people accept the obligation for military service,
and a larger number lack the knowledge to be engaged participants
in civilian control of the military.
When one reads the history of the state of Alabama, "courageous judicial decisions" appears to be an oxymoron because there have not been many such decisions. Most that did occur were related in some fashion to the racial problems that have existed in Alabama from the very beginning of statehood. It is important that we understand just what we mean when we speak of courage. Sustained courage emanates from character, which in itself takes a lifetime to build. Courage can be defined as the moral strength that permits one to face fear and difficulty. Courage requires a certain amount of leadership, and this leadership behavior is admirable and excellent. Making judicial decisions that changed ways of living in Alabama during the days of segregation required courage. These decisions could have severe consequences for one's safety and could affect one's family. Yet despite the potential consequences, there were at least four judges in Alabama who made decisions based on what they thought was the right thing to do and would lead Alabama in the right direction. The judges whose names come immediately to the forefront are George Stone, Thomas G. Jones, James E. Horton Jr., and Frank M. Johnson.
Comparative constitutional law is a field of increasing importance around the world, but much of the literature is focused on Europe, North America, and English-speaking jurisdictions. The importance of Asia for the broader field is demonstrated here in original contributions that look thematically at issues from a general perspective, with special attention on how they have been treated in East Asian jurisdictions.The authors - leading comparativists from around the world - illuminate material from Asian jurisdictions on matters such as freedom of religion, constitutional courts, property rights, emergency regimes and the drafting process of constitutions. Together they present a picture of a region that is grappling with complex constitutional issues and is engaged with developments in the rest of the world, while at the same time pursuing distinctive local solutions that deserve close attention. This unique scholarly study will prove an important research tool for Asian scholars, constitutional lawyers within Asia and comparative constitutional scholars around the world. Contributors: T. Allen, J. Blount, J.A. Cheibub, S. Choudhry, R. Chowdhry, M. Clark, R. Dixon, T. Ginsburg, R. Hirschl, M. Khosla, F. Limongi, K. O'Regan, V.V. Ramraj, C. Saunders, A. Stone, M. Tushnet
"Choice" Outstanding Academic Title 2003 .,."A thorough summary of the trajectory of current case law on
the legal regulation of U.S. citizens' intimate lives. . . . A
valuable introduction to increasingly important and salient legal
questions about the constitutional limits on the state's ability to
shape intimate lives in the United States." .,."A worthy assessment of the law of intimate association and
personal decision-making. For those intrigued by the Court's human
side, Ball provides a sufficient glimpse without raising the
curtain on its realm of privacy that the justices have strived to
protect. "Despite the controversial content of many of the cases, Mr.
Ball maintains an air of bemused detachment and does not openly
take sides. This is not a polemic. With few exceptions, the
prevailing tone is light and scholarly. The goal is to illuminate,
not to persuade." "In this truly fascinating and spellbinding work, Ball tells
many tales." Personal rights, such as the right to procreate--or not--and the right to die generate endless debate. This book maps out the legal, political, and ethical issues swirling around personal rights. Howard Ball shows how the Supreme Court has grappled with the right to reproduce and to abort, and takes on the issue of auto-euthanasia and assisted suicide, from Karen Ann Quinlan through Kevorkian and just recently to the Florida case of the woman who was paralyzed by a gunshot from her mother and who had the plug pulled on herself. For the last half of the twentieth century, the justices of the Supreme Court have had to wrestle with newand difficult life and death questions for them as well as for doctors and their patients, medical ethicists, sociologists, medical practitioners, clergy, philosophers, law makers, and judges. The Supreme Court in the Intimate Lives of Americans offers a look at these issues as they emerged and examines the manner in which the men and women of the U.S. Supreme Court addressed them.
This book discusses the recently introduced concession policy, which is also known as PPP worldwide, on municipal utilities policy in China. In this context, critics have claimed that there is a gap in accountability with regard to concessions. The author utilizes interdisciplinary methods and comparative studies, taking into account the situation in the EU and US to analyze the accountability gap some feel will be created when the policy is implemented. Taking water sector concessions as the subject of discussion, the author distinguishes between three types of accountability: traditional bureaucratic accountability, legal accountability and public accountability. By systematically analyzing the essential problems involved, the book attempts to achieve a better understanding of concession and its application in the context of public utilities and finds that the alleged accountability gap is attributed to traditional bureaucratic accountability in China and the concession system per se.
Wysong analyzes the nature and extent of the involvement of seven major health and safety professional organizations in the development of the most significant national reform effort in occupational health policy since the OSA Act of 1970: The High Risk Occupational Disease Notification and Prevention Act. The professions have long been a focus of study in sociology; however, this is the first book to examine how the interests and involvement of health professionals' organizations on a national health policy issue are linked to external interests and dynamic contextual factors. By illuminating how professional societies' policy choices are embedded within and shaped by economic and political contexts, Wysong refines prevailing new class interpretations of professionals' interests where policy reforms are concerned. This book should be of particular concern to scholars and researchers involved with medical sociology, the sociology of work, complex organizations, social change, and occupational health policy.
This book explores some of the conceptual questions that underpin the legal disputes which arise in relation to equality and discrimination. Among these questions are: the meaning of 'equality' as a legal concept and its relationship to the principle of non-discrimination * symmetrical and asymmetrical approaches to equality/non-discrimination * the role of comparators in discrimination/equality analysis * the selection of protected characteristics and the proper sphere of statutory and constitutional protections * the scope for and regulation of potential conflicts between protected grounds. The book engages with domestic, European Union, and European Convention on Human Rights case law, as well as with wider international approaches. It also addresses a number of contemporary issues for discrimination/equality law, including the problem of racial profiling and the regulation of multiple discrimination. This is an interesting study for all those working in the fields of discrimination and human rights. (Series: Human Rights Law in Perspective)
In six lectures, Aiken compares the constitutions of Great Britain and the United States and also examines their similarities and differences in terms of government, (The House of Commons and the House of Representatives, the Senate and the House of Lords), religion, slavery, elections, the judiciary and other topics. "The author's design was to compare our limited monarchy with the greatest modern republic, not in order to disparage either, but to elucidate both to a popular audience of his countrymen (...) The subject has an intrinsic claim to attention. It embraces a variety of topics, both entertaining and important, and historical truths of immense practical value, concerning which the people are deeply interested and too often misled." --(Preface, viii Contents: Lecture One: Introductory Lecture Two: Provincial Institutions. Outline of American Constitution. Lecture Three: Elective Franchise. Legislative Assemblies. Lecture Four: The Executive Power. Lecture Five: Law-Religion. Lecture Six: Social Influence of Political Institutions. Peter Freeland Aiken (1799?-1877) was a Scottish advocate for some time, and later moved to Bristol, England. He was the author of The People's Charter, and Old England For Ever (1839) and War: Religiously, Morally and Historically Considered (1850).
The idea of administrative justice is central to the British system of public law, more embracing than judicial review, or even administrative law itself. It embraces all the mechanisms designed to achieve a proper balance between the exercise of public and quasi-public power and those affected by the exercise of that power. This book contains revised versions of the papers given at the International Conference on Administrative Justice held in Bristol in 1997. Forty years after the publication of the Franks Committee report on Tribunals and Inquiries, the conference reflected on developments since then and sought to provoke debate about how the future might unfold. Participants included policy makers, tribunal chairs and ombudsmen, other decision-takers as well as academics - a formidable combination of expertise in the operation of the administrative justice system. Among the themes addressed in the papers are the following: the effect of the changing nature of the state on current institutions; human rights and administrative justice; the relationship between decision taking, reviews of decisions, and the adjudication of appeals; and the overview of administrative justice, taking into account lessons from abroad. The new millenium provides an opportunity for the reappraisal of the British system of administrative justice; this volume presents an indispenable repository of the ideas needed to understand how that system should develop over the coming years. Contributors: Michael Adler, Margaret Allars, Dame Elizabeth Anson, Lord Archer of Sandwell, Michael Barnes, Julia Black, Christa Christensen, David Clark, Gwynn Davis, Godfrey Cole, Suzanne Day, Julian Farrand, Tamara Goriely, Michael Harris (Ed), Neville Harris, Tony Holland, Terence Ison, Christine Lally, Douglas Lewis, Rosemary Lyster, Aileen McHarg, Walter Merricks, Linda Mulcahy, Stephen Oliver, Alan Page, Martin Partington (Ed), David Pearl, Jane Pearson, Paulyn Marrinan Quinn, John Raine, Andrew Rein, Alan Robertson, Roy Sainsbury, John Scampion, Chris Shepley, Caroline Sheppard, Patricia Thomas, Brian Thompson, Nick Wikeley, Tom Williams, Jane Worthington, Richard Young.
View the Table of Contents. aA must-read for anyone interested in the intersection of law
and politics. . . . [Hasenas] is an important framework against
which election law scholars will react and upon which they will
build for some time to come.a "Hasen wrote this concise but substantive volume to assess the
history, at least since 1901, of the Supreme Court's intervention
in the political process." "A major contribution to the field of election law." In the first comprehensive study of election law since the Supreme Court decided "Bush v. Gore," Richard L. Hasen rethinks the Court's role in regulating elections. Drawing on the case files of the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist courts, Hasen roots the Court's intervention in political process cases to the landmark 1962 case, Baker v. Carr. The case opened the courts to a variety of election law disputes, to the point that the courts now control and direct major aspects of the American electoral process. The Supreme Court does have a crucial role to play in protecting a socially constructed "core" of political equality principles, contends Hasen, but it should leave contested questions of political equality to the political process itself. Under this standard, many of the Court's most important election law cases from Baker to Bush have been wrongly decided.
Throughout this century, organized interest groups have played a central role in U.S. Supreme Court litigation on issues of civil rights and liberties. Yet in recent decades, the Court has been less willing to protect many rights and has discouraged the use of federal court forums. With the federal courts inhospitable or unavailable, interest groups have had greater incentive to enter state judiciaries. Proponents of the new judicial federalism urge groups and other litigants to seek greater individual protection based on state constitutions than that required under federal constitutional standards. Farole examines the conditions under which groups are likely to enter state litigation. How the Supreme Court decisions provide incentives or disincentives for organizational action in state judiciaries as well as how other factors specific to organizations condition their willingness and ability to enter state courts is of particular concern. Farole also examines whether groups assert rights claims based on state constitutional law. He provides a comparative analysis of group litigation in two issue areas--eminent domain and obscenity--in five states. Evidence is taken from a variety of sources including interviews, interest group and court files, and published court opinions. The analysis provides insights into the ability of interest groups to remain active in rights litigation by turning their lobbying efforts to state judiciaries. This book is of particular interest to political scientists and academic lawyers concerned with federalism, interest groups, judicial politics, and civil liberties.
In recent years, some have asked "Are we all originalists now?" and many have assumed that originalists have a monopoly on concern for fidelity in constitutional interpretation. In Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution, James Fleming rejects originalisms-whether old or new, concrete or abstract, living or dead. Instead, he defends what Ronald Dworkin called a "moral reading" of the United States Constitution, or a "philosophic approach" to constitutional interpretation. He refers to conceptions of the Constitution as embodying abstract moral and political principles-not codifying concrete historical rules or practices-and of interpretation of those principles as requiring normative judgments about how they are best understood-not merely historical research to discover relatively specific original meanings. Through examining the spectacular concessions that originalists have made to their critics, he shows the extent to which even they acknowledge the need to make normative judgments in constitutional interpretation. Fleming argues that fidelity in interpreting the Constitution as written requires a moral reading or philosophic approach. Fidelity commits us to honoring our aspirational principles, not following the relatively specific original meanings (or original expected applications) of the founders. Originalists would enshrine an imperfect Constitution that does not deserve our fidelity. Only a moral reading or philosophic approach, which aspires to interpret our imperfect Constitution so as to make it the best it can be, gives us hope of interpreting it in a manner that may deserve our fidelity.
Asian countries possess some of the fastest growing economies in the modern world. To maintain this tremendous growth while also sustaining demographic, population, health, and quality of life standards, leaders must take careful stock of past accomplishments and their plans for the future. Trends, Prospects, and Challenges in Asian E-Governance addresses some of the ongoing struggles of fast-developing nations such as China, India, and Indonesia within the context of electronic government, illustrating how digital tools can assist developing nations in maintaining their prospects for future growth and expansion. Employing real-world case studies as well as ongoing research on the growing potential of these Eastern nations, this book serves as a useful reference for government officials, policymakers, and students of public policy in Asia and Oceania.
Every year, thousands of people seek asylum in the United States because they have been persecuted in other countries due to their race, religion, nationality, social group, or political opinion. In seeking refuge and protection, these immigrants must rely on the American court system to help them achieve safety from the great harm they have suffered. In her unique and compelling judicial memoir, Susan Yarbrough, a former US immigration judge, highlights five significant asylum cases that she heard and decided during almost eighteen years on the benchcases that profoundly changed her not only as a judge, but also as a person. Yarbrough recounts heartrending testimony described against the background of the countries in which the persecution took place, following each account with personal reflections on how she was emotionally and spiritually transformed by each person who testified. From Josue Maldonado, persecuted in El Salvador because of his religion, to Daniel Quetzal, an Indian from Guatemala who was tied naked to a pole and tortured because of his political opinion, the cases that the author shares provide an unforgettable glimpse into the lives of courageous people who risked everything for peace and freedom in the United States. Bench-Pressed is the story of five asylum seekers and the judge who was irrevocably changed by the intersection of her life with theirs.
A thorough descriptive list of 225 printed constitutions, statutes, session acts and resolutions passed by properly authorized bodies of the Cherokee Nation, Chickasaw Nation, Choctaw Nation, Creek (or Muskogee Nation), Indian Territory, Nez Perce tribe, Omaha Tribe, Osage Nation, Ottawa Tribe, Sac and Fox nation, Seminole Nation, Seneca Nation, State of Sequoyah, Stockbridge and Munsee Tribe and the Winnebago Tribe. Each chapter begins with a brief history of the tribe or nation and each entry contains useful biographical, historical and bibliographical notes. The author observes that many of these items have not been "recorded in any connection, and the scant biographical information about the others are widely scattered." |
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