Detailing the life and legacy of one of America's highest profile military commanders, this biography looks at how Ridgway maintained his corporatist ideals through the critical days of World War II and the Cold War. The qualities that Ridgway honed on the battlefields of Europe and Korea were the same that he would draw upon in more politicized jobs as NATO commander and US Army Chief of Staff, and in retirement as the leading military critic of American intervention in Vietnam. The global scope of Ridgway's involvement, in wartime and peacetime, from Europe to Latin American to the Far East, provides a unique opportunity to examine the policy and ideological issues of the day. Early chapters chronicle Ridgway's younger life and early postings from West Point to China to Sandino's Nicaragua, and his participation in various campaigns during World War II, from Sicily to Normandy to the Battle of the Bulge and on into Germany. Later chapters cover his work as a military diplomat under President Truman, including his work on arms control and the Inter-American Cooperation Act. Soffer then examines Ridgway's key role in the Korean War and his ability as a theater commander, and then considers his actions under President Eisenhower and beyond, as well as Ridgway's active support for Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. This work will prove valuable to students of military history and the Cold War.

In a groundbreaking contribution to the international relations literature, Kromer examines the historical experience of NATO with new weapons technologies and analyzes their effect on alliance stability. Concentrating specifically on new, innovative, radically different technologies--rather than on modifications or upgrades to existing weapons systems--Kromer uses a focused comparison methodology to develop his arguments. His study takes the form of detailed case studies and comparative analysis of two particular new weapons technologies: tactical nuclear weapons and precision guided munitions. For each, Kromer explores the political effects and implications of the new technology, an area of study that has received little attention until now.

In the 19th century, when the Ottoman Empire restored direct rule over Yemen, the resulting turmoil came to threaten the security of the entire Arabian Peninsula. This book describes the various military campaigns to regain control over Yemen, surveying the increased foreign encroachments by the British in the south and the Italians through the Red Sea, and the revolts of the Zaidi Imams and Isma'ili tribes. Using previously unknown archival material, this history of political rivalries and challenges confronting Ottoman Yemen in the 19th century should prove useful for scholars and students.

Between the Revolution and the Mexican war, the American republic grew from being a collection of weakly unified states to being a formidable world power. This bibliographic volume covers the first sixty years of United States military history, from 1783 to 1846, a time that has been largely neglected in historical scholarship. The entire range of military affairs, from international diplomacy and ideological considerations to influential presidents, secretaries, and military and naval personalities, is treated in detail throughout this comprehensive bibliography. By addressing Shay's Rebellion, the Indian Wars of the Old Northwest, the Tripolitan War, and other political and diplomatic events, the volume helps to put into context the military trends and activities of an important historical period. Each of the book's chapters has its own distinct format, but all are linked through an extensive network of cross references. The first chapter provides a general overview of the entire period, detailed chronologically, with separate listings for wars and events and appropriate subheadings for politics and diplomacy, prisoners, and contemporary accounts. Chapters two and three cover the United States Army and Navy, respectively, and group their listings around subjects such as history, policy, administration, personnel, and deployment. The fourth chapter uses a subject and subtopic format in covering the militia, Canada, and Indians, and the final chapter provides an alphabetical listing of biographies. Extensive author and subject indexes are included.

Flavius Vegetius Renatus was a Roman of high rank who collected and synthesized from ancient manuscripts and regulations the military customs and wisdom that made ancient Rome great.

This the nineth edition of the Unesco Yearbook focuses on the effects of the arms race. The first section, a product of research undertaken at the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, Norway (PRIO), examines the impact of armaments on areas of special concern to Unesco: education, science and technology, and culture and communication. The second section deals with the effects of the arms race, the arms trade, and technology transfer in developing countries, where armaments are proliferating at a higher rate than in industrially advanced countries. The third section examines the impact of the arms race on national reconstruction in developing countries. The fourth section analyzes the stance the United Nations has taken toward disarmament since its creation, from the concept of general and complete disarmament to a comprehensive program of step-by-step disarmament. Finally, as in previous yearbooks, the final section is a brief summary of Unesco activities in the fields of peace and disarmament and regional developments around the world.

"This anthology is breathtaking in its geographic and temporal sweep."--"Canadian Journal of History"

The American media has recently "discovered" children's experiences in present-day wars. A week-long series on the plight of child soldiers in Africa and Latin America was published in "Newsday" and newspapers have decried the U.S. government's reluctance to sign a United Nations treaty outlawing the use of under-age soldiers. These and numerous other stories and programs have shown that the number of children impacted by war as victims, casualties, and participants has mounted drastically during the last few decades.

Although the scale on which children are affected by war may be greater today than at any time since the world wars of the twentieth century, children have been a part of conflict since the beginning of warfare. Children and War shows that boys and girls have routinely contributed to home front war efforts, armies have accepted under-aged soldiers for centuries, and war-time experiences have always affected the ways in which grown-up children of war perceive themselves and their societies.

The essays in this collection range from explorations of childhood during the American Revolution and of the writings of free black children during the Civil War to children's home front war efforts during World War II, representations of war and defeat in Japanese children's magazines, and growing up in war-torn Liberia. Children and War provides a historical context for two centuries of children's multi-faceted involvement with war.

An instant bestseller when it was first published in 1946, this memoir recounts the author's nearly forty years of service in naval intelligence, beginning in 1908. One of the first to venture into the realm of psychological warfare, Ellis Zacharias was awarded the Legion of Merit with two gold stars for his contributions. Among the highlights of his impressive career was the role he played in convincing the Japanese to accept surrender in 1945, a subject he deals with in fascinating detail in this book. Zacharias gives readers access to rare psychological profiles that he prepared for the Office of Naval Intelligence on leading political and military figures in Japan. His book also recounts his exploits as a young naval attache with the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo in the early 1920s. In the early months of the war readers join him in the thick of combat in the Pacific, first aboard a cruiser under his command and later in a battleship. Of particular interest are descriptions of his one-man radio broadcasts beamed at Japan between V-E and V-J days that received kudos from Adm. Ernest J. King for helping bring about the surrender.

Are Americans in denial about the costs of the War on Terror? In The Real Price of War, Joshua S. Goldstein argues that we need to face up to what the war costs the average American--both in taxes and in changes to our way of life. Goldstein contends that in order to protect the United States from future attacks, we must fight--and win--the War on Terror. Yet even as President Bush campaigns on promises of national security, his administration is cutting taxes and increasing deficit spending, resulting in too little money to eradicate terrorism and a crippling burden of national debt for future generations to pay.

The Real Price of War breaks down billion-dollar government expenditures into the prices individual Americans are paying through their taxes. Goldstein estimates that the average American household currently pays $500 each month to finance war. Beyond the dollars and cents that finance military operations and increased security within the U.S., the War on Terror also costs America in less tangible ways, including lost lives, reduced revenue from international travelers, and budget pressures on local governments. The longer the war continues, the greater these costs. In order to win the war faster, Goldstein argues for an increase in war funding, at a cost of about $100 per household per month, to better fund military spending, homeland security, and foreign aid and diplomacy.

Americans have been told that the War on Terror is a war without sacrifice. But as Goldstein emphatically states: "These truths should be self-evident: The nation is at war. The war is expensive. Someone has to pay for it."

The War of the Triple Alliance was one of the longest, least remembered, and, for one of its participants, most catastrophic conflicts of the 19th century. The decision of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay to go to war against Paraguay in May 1965 has generally been regarded as a response to the raids by the headstrong and tyrannical dictator, Francisco Solano Lopez. While there is some truth to this view, as Lopez had attacked towns in Argentina and Brazil, the terms of the Triple Alliance signed that same month reveal that the motivation of these two nations, at least, was to redraw the map in their favor, at the expense of Paraguay. That the resulting conflict lasted five years before Lopez was defeated and his country fully at the mercy of its neighbors was a tribute to the heroic resistance of his people, as well as to the inadequacies of the allied command.

The military campaigns, which took place on land and on the rivers, often in appalling conditions of both climate and terrain, are examined from a strategic perspective, as well as through the experiences of ordinary soldiers. Leuchars looks in detail at the political causes, the course of the conflict as viewed from both sides, and the tragic aftermath. He brings to light an episode that, for all its subsequent obscurity, marked a turning point in the development of South American international relations.