This book provides students, faculty, and general readers with specific information and insights into the ways in which official military history has been written and why. Coverage is international in scope. The volume serves as an introduction to two forthcoming books: "Official Military Histories Since 1967: Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and India" and "Official Military Histories Since 1967: The Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Rim." Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.

Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.

The end of the Cold War in 1989 gave rise to hopes for a new, more peaceful international system and for the redirection of military expenditures--over one-half of annual U.S. federal discretionary spending--toward education and health care, renewing the nation's infrastructure, environmental mitigation, and alternative energy sources. At the beginning of the 21st Century, U.S. military spending remains stuck at 85% of the Cold War average. Why? As Accordino explains, at the federal level, the Iron Triangle comprised of the Pentagon, defense contractors, and a conservative Congress maintained defense spending at Cold War levels, encouraging contractors to stay focused on defense. When some procurement cutbacks and base closures occurred, growth interests recruited lower-wage branch plants, sports, and entertainment facilities, rather than supporting the hard work of defense conversion that creates higher-paying jobs. Nevertheless, some defense contractors and community interests did embrace conversion, showing remarkable potential. Of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with urban and regional planning, public administration and local politics, and regional economic development.

A Horse Gunner's view of the world's most famous battle
brCaptain Mercer has left posterity a vital and remarkable book in his Journal of the Campaign of 1815. It is, of course, written from the perspective of an officer of the Royal Horse Artillery of Wellington's army and so brings to life a host of detail about the composition, daily workings, camp life and battle field manoeuvrings of the British Horse Artillery during the Napoleonic Wars. This alone would recommend it to anyone interested in the period. It is much more. Mercer's substantial work covers a comparatively short period of time from the call to arms following Napoleon's escape from Elba through to the landing on the continent, the fearsome battles of Quatre Bras and Waterloo-which all but destroyed his troop-to the pursuit of the fleeing French Army to Paris and the subsequent occupation. He recorded everything he saw, felt and personally experienced in fine detail on a day by day basis. This not only provides us with an incomparable portrait of momentous events, but also a detailed and illuminating view of Belgium, Northern France and Paris itself from it's people to the minutiae of everyday life and the culture of the capital in the early years of the 19th century.

Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Liberia, Somalia, Azerbaijan, El Salvador, Northern Ireland, Lebanon, Cambodia -- all provide bloody evidence that civil wars continue to have a powerful impact on the international scene. Because they tear at the very fabric of a society and pit countryman against countryman, civil wars are often the most brutal and difficult to extinguish -- witness the American Revolution.
And yet, civil wars do inevitably end. England is no longer criss-crossed by warring armies representing York and Lancaster or King and Parliament. The French no longer kill one another over the divine right of kings. Argentines seem reconciled to living in a single state, rather than several. The ideologies of the Spanish Civil War now seem largely irrelevant. And the possibility of Southern secession is an issue long-buried in the American past.
The question then begs itself: how do people who have been killing one another with considerable enthusiasm and success come together to form a common government? How can individuals and factions work together, politically and economically, with others who have killed their friends, parents, children and lovers? How are armed societies disarmed? What effect does a total military victory have on a lasting peace? In sum, how are civil societies constructed from civil violence and chaos? This is the central concern of Stopping the Killing.

In this highly original and much needed volume, a distinguished group of experts on civil wars discuss both specific conflicts and broader theoretical issues. Individual chapters examine civil wars in Colombia, the Sudan, Yemen, America, Greece, and Nigeria, and analyze the causes of peace, the relationship between the battlefield and the negotiating table, and issues of settlement. An introduction and conclusion by the editor unify the volume. Contributors include: Jonathan Hartlyn (Univ. of North Carolina), Caroline Hartzell (Univ. of California, Davis), Jane E. Holl (U.S. Military Academy), John Iatrides (Southern Connecticut State University), James O'Connell (University of Bradford), Donald Rothchild (Univ. of California, Davis), Stephen John Stedman (Johns Hopkins Univ.), Robert Harrison Wagner (Univ. of Texas, Austin), Harvey Waterman (Rutgers Univ.), Manfred Wenner (Northern Illinois Univ.), and I. William Zartman (Johns Hopkins Univ.).

As a Confederate Soldier, John Fulton Brown opposed all things pointing to a division of the United States. He felt he was helping to establish a cause that he did not want established. His heart was not in it and it didn't reflect his interests. He was half-starved all the time and was plagued by the horrid, hungry insects that sucked out what little beef and rice he didn't get at suppertime. Who wouldn't move, influenced by a variety of facts such as these?

In "The Bushwhackers," he recounts how, while traveling in the high, craggy mountains of Tennessee, they discovered the area had been overrun by both Yanks and Rebs. Barns and corncribs were empty with no men in sight, except every now and then a very old man would wander out of hiding. Women with long, peaked faces peeped out through cracks in their huts, looking as scared to death as they undoubtedly were. Children with woolly heads and prominent eyeballs, pale from lack of sufficient food-skedaddled in all directions. Real pretty girls, or those who would have been pretty if there were peace and plenty, looked as though they had never had a full meal in their lives.

The British have been involved in numerous wars since the Middle Ages. Many, if not all, of these wars have been re-constructed in historical accounts, in the media and in the arts, and have thus kept the nation's cultural memory of its wars alive. Wars have influenced the cultural construction and reconstruction not only of national identities in Britain; personal, communal, gender and ethnic identities have also been established, shaped, reinterpreted and questioned in times of war and through its representations. Coming from Literary, Film and Cultural Studies, History and Art History, the contributions in this multidisciplinary volume explore how different cultural communities in the British Isles have envisaged war and its significance for various aspects of identity-formation, from the Middle Ages through to the 20th century.

Ever since Myanmar regained her independence in January 1948, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) has been crucial in restoring and maintaining law and order. It is one of the most important institutions in Myanmar politics. Various aspects of the Tatmadaw have been studied. The most notable area of study has been the political role of the military. This study looks at the organizational development of the Myanmar armed forces. It analyses four different aspects of the Tatmadaw: military doctrine and strategy, organization and force structure, armament and force modernization, and military training and officer education. It sets out security perceptions and policies, charting developments in each phase against the situation at the time, and also notes the contributions of the leading actors in the process. Since early 1990s, the Tatmadaw has implemented a force modernization programme. This work studies rationales and strategy behind the force modernization programme and examines the military capabilities of the Tatmadaw. Drawing extensively from archival sources and existing literature, this empirically grounded research argues that, while the internal armed security threat to the state continues to play an important role, it is the external security threat that gives more weight to the expansion and modernization of the Tatmadaw since 1988. It also argues that, despite its imperfections, the Tatmadaw has transformed from a force essentially for counter-insurgency operations into a force capable of fighting in limited conventional warfare.

This volume offers a comprehensive history of warfare since 1648, covering conventional and unconventional operations and demonstrating how most modern wars have been hybrid affairs that involved both. The book uses a broad range of conflicts to explore the societal forces that have shaped wars. Written by noted military historian Thomas R. Mockaitis, this book explores conventional and unconventional conflicts and considers the relationships between them. It considers how epic struggles like the American Civil War, World Wars I and II, and the conflicts in the Middle East, among many others, shaped human history. The coverage serves to highlight four themes: the relationship between armed forces and the societies that create them; the impact of technology (not just armaments) on warfare; the role of ideas and attitudes towards violence in determining why and how wars are fought; and the relationship between conventional and unconventional operations. The book also covers the advent and evolution of unconventional warfare, including counterinsurgency, the War on Terror, and current conflicts in the Middle East. It concludes with consideration of the forms armed conflict will take in the future. The book includes valuable excerpts from the writings of military thinkers such as Clausewitz and Sun Tzu, an extensive bibliography of primary and secondary sources, and supporting maps and diagrams.

This unique volume provides a bibliography and analysis of American women's literary interpretations of war and peace during the twentieth century. Chapters cover World War I, World War II, the Vietnam War, nuclear war, and fictional interpretations of war and peace that span more than one war or are nonspecific to a certain war. Annotated entries on novels and short fiction provide an analysis of the work's representation of the effect of war on women. Annotations include excerpts from the works themselves and from reviews. The bibliography includes works by such well-known writers as Edith Wharton, Joyce Carol Oates, Cynthia Oick, and Bobbie Ann Mason, as well as many lesser known writers. The work begins with an introductory discussion of women's fiction on war. Each chapter begins with an introductory overview of the war literature in that chapter. In addition to the annotated entries, each chapter concludes with a list of sources of literary criticism and bibliographic resources. The work concludes with author, title, and subject indexes.

"I went in behind the lines and emerged as a kind of agent. I went in as a reporter and came out a kind of soldier. I sometimes wish I had never gone in at all." -Paul Morton

War correspondents have long entered combat zoned at great personal risk, determined to capture the conflict for those on the home front. But during World War II, Toronto Star journalist Paul Morton found himself not just reporting the war but fighting his own personal battle in a shocking turn of events that led to disastrous consequences for his career.

Morton volunteered in 1944 to parachute behind Nazi lines and report on the guerrilla war being waged by Italian partisans. But after he spent two months writing a series, the British Army changed its battle strategy and ordered stories on the partisans to cease. Morton's stories were "spiked," and he was discredited as a correspondent. Morton was subsequently fired by the Toronto Star after they unfairly claimed his reporting was fabricated.

Eye-opening and gripping, Inappropriate Conduct shares the dramatic true story of how Morton became the target of a ruthless campaign that shattered his journalistic integrity and his career. Journalist Don North captures Morton's experiences from the beginning, using Morton's previously unpublished memoir and archival sources to create a seamless, powerful narrative that speaks to the tenuous relationship between the truth and propaganda during war.

In this comprehensive, balanced examination of Argentina's "Dirty War," Lewis analyzes the causes, describes the ideologies that motivated both sides, and explores the consequences of all-or-nothing politics. The military and guerrillas may seem marginal today, but Lewis questions whether the "Dirty War" is really over. Lewis traces the Dirty War's origins back to military interventions in the 1930s and 1940s, and the rise of General Juan Peron's populist regime, which resulted in the polarization of Argentine society. Peron's overthrow by the military in 1955 only heightened social conflict by producing a resistance movement out of which several guerrilla organizations would soon emerge. The ideologies, terrorist tactics, and internal dynamics of those underground groups are examined in detail, as well as their links to other movements in Argentina and abroad. The guerrillas reached the height of their influence when the military withdrew from power in 1973 and turned over the government to Peron's puppet president, Hector Campora. They quickly found themselves in opposition again after Peron returned from exile, and as Peronism dissolved into factions after Peron's death, the military prepared to take power again, inspired by a new "National Security Doctrine." The origins of this ideology in U.S. Cold War doctrine and in French "revolutionary war" doctrine are fully explored because the Argentine military's "Dirty War" strategy and tactics grew directly out of these ideas. The arrests, the treatment of prisoners, and the mindset of the interrogators are treated in detail. Special attention is given to the anti-guerrilla war in Tucuman's jungles, the strange history of David Graiver(the guerrillas' banker) and the Timerman case. In the concluding section of the book, Lewis describes the intrigues that undermined the military regime, its retreat from power, and the human rights trials that were held under the new democratic government. Those trials eventually were stopped by military revolts. Presidential pardons followed and have left Argentina divided once more. This is an important survey for scholars and students of Latin American politics, contemporary history, and civil-military relations.

He always wondered what war would be like. "So This is War": a collage of emotions and events featuring the triumphs, defeats, hardships, humor, discomforts, and boredom of war as the author's Cavalry Squadron journeys around Iraq in an attempt to fight an invisible enemy, find a peace, and build a country. Combat has eluded the author since his initial enlistment in the Army during the Cold War in 1985. After leaving the service and living a cushy life as a finance executive in Arizona, Captain Olson returned to active duty following the attack on America on 9/11 and soon found himself fighting in Iraq with the legendary 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment. Follow the adventures and thoughts of this Intelligence Officer as he endures a year of the triumphs, defeats, hardships, humor, discomforts, and boredom of war while his Cavalry Squadron moves through Kuwait to the Triangle of Death south of Baghdad and on to Northwest Iraq to tame the volatile city of Tal Afar and secure the vast and porous Syrian border from invading Jihadists. As Captain Olson soon learns, his visions of a glamorous, dangerous, and exhilarating war are quickly crushed as the officers and soldiers in the unit do their best to find and fight an invisible enemy, rebuild a once-great Iraqi Army, and attempt to gain the trust and cooperation of the Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish populace who are largely against the U.S. occupation. He always wondered what war would be like. So This is War.

Over the past 60 years, the U.S. armed forces have created a web of military bases all over the world, from Australia to Iceland to Saudi Arabia. This is the aspect of military service that the majority of soldiers know and remember. Interaction between U.S. personnel and local populations is almost a given, and it is inevitable that the American and host communities will influence each other in numerous ways. This book looks at the history and impact of American military communities overseas. It discusses how U.S. bases affected economic and political life in the host communities, how host societies shape the profile and activities of military communities, and what happens when relations break down. Through case studies of communities around the world, Baker shows that the U.S. armed forces have had a surprisingly large impact both positive and negative on the affairs of many (but not all) host societies, including economic revitalization, cultural change, and, sometimes, tragic social consequences. In not a few cases, the U.S. military presence has become politically controversial on a national level. On the other hand, many host nations have successfully circumscribed the activities of military communities, rendering their potentially disruptive presence almost invisible.

Who defines defense policy in the North Atlantic Alliance? Is it NATO, the national government, or the national military? Dutch scholar Jan Willem Honig addresses this widely misunderstood issue. His conclusion--which runs counter to the conventional wisdom that NATO is highly influential--is that the decisive influence in defining defense policy lies neither with NATO nor the allied governments but with the individual national military establishments. He argues that the Alliance does not possess the powers or the institutional framework to effectively control or steer allied defense policies.

Honig's important and timely conclusion challenges conventional wisdom. He analyzes the issue in a detailed case study of the Netherlands' defense policy between 1949 and 1991. Because the fabric of Western security is undergoing its most radical transformation since NATO's inception, this study is especially valuable for its analysis of the changing parameters of European defense requirements. Policy makers and academics interested in NATO will find this work illuminating.

It is about a young Marine being sent to Vietnam and my experiences in the infantry. Assign to the 1st Battalion 9th Marines, Charlie Company 2nd Platoon. Just before I get to my new outfit, a Marine that has been in Vietnam for a while come up to us and tells us that we're going to a badass outfit.

I joined the 2nd platoon of Charlie Company with 46 men in March of 1967 and ended up with only four men left in Dec. pf 1967. During that time with the 1st Battalion 9th Marines other Marines outfits called us "the Walking Dead." From the time I was with them the N.V.A. have hit us with mortars, artillery, human wave attacks, flamethrowers, and ambushes. The only people that help us were artillery from both the Army and Marines and F-4 Phantom aircrafts.

On Dec. 16, 1967 I transferred over to a new Recon outfit being for in the 3rd Marines Division called "E" Echo Company. The last time this company was formed was back in World War II. When back to Okinawa for thirty days to be trained as Recon and then sent back to Vietnam to finish my tour. I stayed with this outfit until I rotated back home which was April 1, 1968.