What is the role of peace support operations in managing non-traditional crises? This is the central focus of Sloan's analysis of peacekeeping and the changing nature of the international community's involvement in Bosnia following the outbreak of civil war in 1992. The key players in this drama are three institutions-the European Union, NATO, and the United Nations-and five major powers, including Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and the United States. Sloan examines their actions and undertakings through the prism of several perspectives, including the peacekeeping, peacemaking, peace enforcement, and peace building dimensions. This study advances current thinking on peacekeeping and related operations by distinguishing key characteristics of the forms of operation and indicating how they best relate to one another. It also challenges the notion that the international response to conflict in Bosnia was haphazard or confused, suggesting instead that the international community's actions can be readily understood as a reflection of the evolution of great power interests. The overall effect is to shed light on two timely, complex, and interrelated subjects. The reader comes away with a clear understanding of what went wrong (and right) and why in Bosnia, and what lessons the experience holds for the future. This is must reading for military and peacekeeping planners and for scholars and researchers in the fields of strategic studies, international security, and international relations.

This volume examines the state of the art in modern military history, and the utility of the subject as a training, educational, and policy-relevant tool for professional armed forces. Part 1 explores the state of military historical writing in Britain and the United States, and on specific topics, such as air warfare, naval warfare, intelligence, low-intensity conflict, and the most recent trends in the New Military History. Part 2 illustrates the utility of the historical method in analyzing command decisions, providing an institutional memory for a wide range of policy, command, and operational problems, and its application in specific subjects such as naval strategy, and by certain countries (the US, Germany, and the Soviet Union) in the search for lessons and fundamental principles. The contributing authors represent an impressive cross-section of prominent academic and official historians recognized as leading scholars in the study of military history. The Foreword is written by Anne N. Foreman, Undersecretary of the United States Air Force.

This book will be of interest to the academic and the official historian (and their students) and to military professionals.

Leader of the Santee Sioux, Inkpaduta (1815-79) participated in some of the most decisive battles of the northern Great Plains, including Custer's defeat at the Little Bighorn. But the attack in 1857 on forty white settlers known as the Spirit Lake Massacre gave Inkpaduta the reputation of being the most brutal of all the Sioux leaders.Paul N. Beck now challenges a century and a half of bias to reassess the life and legacy of this important Dakota leader. In the most complete biography of Inkpaduta ever written, Beck draws on Indian agents' correspondence, journals, and other sources to paint a broader picture of the whole person, showing him to have been not only a courageous warrior but also a dedicated family man and tribal leader who got along reasonably well with whites for most of his life. Beck sheds new light on many poorly understood aspects of Inkpaduta's life, including his journeys in the American West after the Spirit Lake Massacre. Beck reexamines Euro-American attitudes toward Indians and the stereotypes that shaped nineteenth-century writing, showing how they persisted in portrayals of Inkpaduta well into the twentieth century, even after more generous appreciations of American Indian cultures had become commonplace. Long considered a villain whose passion was murdering white settlers, Inkpaduta is here restored to more human dimensions. Inkpaduta: Dakota Leader shatters the myths that surrounded his life for too long and provides the most extensive reassessment of this leader's life to date.

After the Cold War, Africa earned the dubious distinction of being the world's most bloody continent. But how can we explain this proliferation of armed conflicts? What caused them and what were their main characteristics? And what did the world's governments do to stop them?

In addressing these and other questions, Paul Williams offers the first comparative assessment of more than two hundred armed conflicts which took place in Africa between 1990 and 2009 - from the continental catastrophe in the Democratic Republic of Congo to the environmental disaster in the Niger Delta and mass atrocities in the Sudan. Taking a broad comparative approach to examine the political contexts in which these wars occurred, he explores the key ingredients that provoked them and the major international responses undertaken to deliver lasting peace.

Part I, Contexts provides an overview of the most important attempts to measure the number and scale of Africa's armed conflicts and provides a conceptual and political sketch of the terrain of struggle upon which these wars were waged.

Part II, Ingredients analyses the role of five widely debated features of Africa's wars: the dynamics of neopatrimonial systems of governance; the construction and manipulation of ethnic identities; questions of sovereignty and self-determination; as well as the impact of natural resources and religion.

Part III, Responses, discusses four major international reactions to Africa's wars: attempts to build a new institutional architecture to help promote peace and security on the continent; this architecture's two main policy instruments, peacemaking initiatives and peacekeeping operations; and efforts to develop the continent.

"War and Conflict in Africa" will be essential reading for all students of international peace and security studies as well as Africa's international relations.

In spite of all the attention that has been devoted to men's identity in recent years, the links between men and the military have until now remained unquestioned, and thus unexplored. This groundbreaking volume deconstructs the traditional stereotypes of military identity and makes a strong case for a plurality of identities within a range of theoretical and empirical contexts. Drawing on various disciplines--including sociology, anthropology, ethnography, human geography, and feminist epistemology--the contributors consider the ways in which military masculine identities are created and sustained in the armed forces and the societies in which they operate. Though mainly focused on the British army, this volume explores universal issues such as violence among military communities, the identity of women in the military, and the treatment of conscientious objectors.

Making official history from all over the world accessible, this volume and its companion complement and bring Robin HighaM's 1970 classic work, "Official Histories," up to date. Each chapter, written by the staff of the relevant historical office, gives both historiographical background and information on the volumes published by that office. Covering the Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Rim, this volume provides a plethora of information, as does the companion volume on Europe, Russia, Africa, the Middle East, and India

Buried in official history volumes is a lot of fine and useful history, and official volumes deserve to be perused. This book will make those histories available to scholars and graduate students and will be especially useful to those concerned with military, social, and diplomatic history as well as medicine.

This book provides students, faculty, and general readers with specific information and insights into the ways in which official military history has been written and why. Coverage is international in scope. The volume serves as an introduction to two forthcoming books: "Official Military Histories Since 1967: Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and India" and "Official Military Histories Since 1967: The Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Rim." Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.

Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.

The end of the Cold War in 1989 gave rise to hopes for a new, more peaceful international system and for the redirection of military expenditures--over one-half of annual U.S. federal discretionary spending--toward education and health care, renewing the nation's infrastructure, environmental mitigation, and alternative energy sources. At the beginning of the 21st Century, U.S. military spending remains stuck at 85% of the Cold War average. Why? As Accordino explains, at the federal level, the Iron Triangle comprised of the Pentagon, defense contractors, and a conservative Congress maintained defense spending at Cold War levels, encouraging contractors to stay focused on defense. When some procurement cutbacks and base closures occurred, growth interests recruited lower-wage branch plants, sports, and entertainment facilities, rather than supporting the hard work of defense conversion that creates higher-paying jobs. Nevertheless, some defense contractors and community interests did embrace conversion, showing remarkable potential. Of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with urban and regional planning, public administration and local politics, and regional economic development.

A Horse Gunner's view of the world's most famous battle
brCaptain Mercer has left posterity a vital and remarkable book in his Journal of the Campaign of 1815. It is, of course, written from the perspective of an officer of the Royal Horse Artillery of Wellington's army and so brings to life a host of detail about the composition, daily workings, camp life and battle field manoeuvrings of the British Horse Artillery during the Napoleonic Wars. This alone would recommend it to anyone interested in the period. It is much more. Mercer's substantial work covers a comparatively short period of time from the call to arms following Napoleon's escape from Elba through to the landing on the continent, the fearsome battles of Quatre Bras and Waterloo-which all but destroyed his troop-to the pursuit of the fleeing French Army to Paris and the subsequent occupation. He recorded everything he saw, felt and personally experienced in fine detail on a day by day basis. This not only provides us with an incomparable portrait of momentous events, but also a detailed and illuminating view of Belgium, Northern France and Paris itself from it's people to the minutiae of everyday life and the culture of the capital in the early years of the 19th century.

Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Liberia, Somalia, Azerbaijan, El Salvador, Northern Ireland, Lebanon, Cambodia -- all provide bloody evidence that civil wars continue to have a powerful impact on the international scene. Because they tear at the very fabric of a society and pit countryman against countryman, civil wars are often the most brutal and difficult to extinguish -- witness the American Revolution.
And yet, civil wars do inevitably end. England is no longer criss-crossed by warring armies representing York and Lancaster or King and Parliament. The French no longer kill one another over the divine right of kings. Argentines seem reconciled to living in a single state, rather than several. The ideologies of the Spanish Civil War now seem largely irrelevant. And the possibility of Southern secession is an issue long-buried in the American past.
The question then begs itself: how do people who have been killing one another with considerable enthusiasm and success come together to form a common government? How can individuals and factions work together, politically and economically, with others who have killed their friends, parents, children and lovers? How are armed societies disarmed? What effect does a total military victory have on a lasting peace? In sum, how are civil societies constructed from civil violence and chaos? This is the central concern of Stopping the Killing.

In this highly original and much needed volume, a distinguished group of experts on civil wars discuss both specific conflicts and broader theoretical issues. Individual chapters examine civil wars in Colombia, the Sudan, Yemen, America, Greece, and Nigeria, and analyze the causes of peace, the relationship between the battlefield and the negotiating table, and issues of settlement. An introduction and conclusion by the editor unify the volume. Contributors include: Jonathan Hartlyn (Univ. of North Carolina), Caroline Hartzell (Univ. of California, Davis), Jane E. Holl (U.S. Military Academy), John Iatrides (Southern Connecticut State University), James O'Connell (University of Bradford), Donald Rothchild (Univ. of California, Davis), Stephen John Stedman (Johns Hopkins Univ.), Robert Harrison Wagner (Univ. of Texas, Austin), Harvey Waterman (Rutgers Univ.), Manfred Wenner (Northern Illinois Univ.), and I. William Zartman (Johns Hopkins Univ.).

As a Confederate Soldier, John Fulton Brown opposed all things pointing to a division of the United States. He felt he was helping to establish a cause that he did not want established. His heart was not in it and it didn't reflect his interests. He was half-starved all the time and was plagued by the horrid, hungry insects that sucked out what little beef and rice he didn't get at suppertime. Who wouldn't move, influenced by a variety of facts such as these?

In "The Bushwhackers," he recounts how, while traveling in the high, craggy mountains of Tennessee, they discovered the area had been overrun by both Yanks and Rebs. Barns and corncribs were empty with no men in sight, except every now and then a very old man would wander out of hiding. Women with long, peaked faces peeped out through cracks in their huts, looking as scared to death as they undoubtedly were. Children with woolly heads and prominent eyeballs, pale from lack of sufficient food-skedaddled in all directions. Real pretty girls, or those who would have been pretty if there were peace and plenty, looked as though they had never had a full meal in their lives.

The British have been involved in numerous wars since the Middle Ages. Many, if not all, of these wars have been re-constructed in historical accounts, in the media and in the arts, and have thus kept the nation's cultural memory of its wars alive. Wars have influenced the cultural construction and reconstruction not only of national identities in Britain; personal, communal, gender and ethnic identities have also been established, shaped, reinterpreted and questioned in times of war and through its representations. Coming from Literary, Film and Cultural Studies, History and Art History, the contributions in this multidisciplinary volume explore how different cultural communities in the British Isles have envisaged war and its significance for various aspects of identity-formation, from the Middle Ages through to the 20th century.