Ten years after the end of the Gulf War, the conflict continues with unresolved questions about economic sanctions and IraQ's participation in the oil export system. A specialist in Middle Eastern politics and an intelligence officer, Pelletiere covered the Iran-Iraq War as well as the subsequent Gulf conflict. He argues that IraQ's victory over Iran in 1988 gave the nation the capability of becoming a regional superpower with a strong say in how the Gulf's oil reserves were managed. Because the United States could not tolerate an ultranationalist state with the potential to destabilize the world's economy, war then became inevitable.

This study examines the rise of the international oil system from the 1920s when the great cartel was formed. Comprised of seven companies, it was designed to ensure their continued control over the world's oil supplies. When the companies lost control with the OPEC revolution in 1973, the United States moved into the realm of Gulf politics with the goal of protecting the world economy. Pelletire details how Saddam Hussein unwillingly precipitated the Gulf crisis and why the conflict is not likely to be resolved soon-or peacefully.

Rogel, a leading U.S. specialist on Yugoslavia and the war in Bosnia, examines the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, the war in Bosnia, the peace settlement, and the problems that continue to exist in Bosnia and Serbia today. She provides information and analysis to help students understand the collapse of Tito's Yugoslavia, the causes and effects of the ensuing war, and the aftermath of the conflicts. Seven essays analyze the crisis, including two that focus on the aftermath of a decade strained with conflict and war, and the current conditions in the former Yugoslavia. Ready reference features include: A timeline of events Lengthy biographical sketches of Yugoslav leaders and Western diplomats Primary documents A glossary of selected terms An annotated bibliography of recommended further reading, films, documentaries, and Web sites

This reference work provides sources on national service and AmeriCorps from a wide range of perspectives and disciplines, including education, public policy, political science, and public administration. Part 1 deals with background information on national service from the 1960s to 1992, including the 1992 presidential campaign. The crucial year 1993, when national service legislation was proposed and passed and AmeriCorps was named, is covered in Part 2. The implementation of the National Community Service Trust Act in 1994 is covered in Part 3. Part 4, covering 1995, reflects a reassessment of the program by the new Republican majority in Congress. Each section of the work includes books, dissertations, government documents, and, primarily, serial literature. A brief appendix accessing resources on the Internet is also included.

Across the globe guilt has become a contentious issue in discussions over historical accountability and reparation for past injustices. Guilt has become political, and it assumes a highly visible place in the public sphere and academic debate in fields ranging from cultural memory, to transitional justice, post-colonialism, Africana studies, and the study of populist extremism. This volume argues that guilt is a productive force that helps to balance unequal power dynamics between individuals and groups. Moreover, guilt can also be an ambivalent force affecting social cohesion, moral revolutions, political negotiation, artistic creativity, legal innovation, and other forms of transformations. With chapters bridging the social sciences, law, and humanities, chapter authors examine the role and function of guilt in society and present case studies from seven national contexts. The book approaches guilt as a generative and enduring presence in societies and cultures rather than as an oppressive and destructive burden that necessitates quick release and liberation. It also considers guilt as something that legitimates the future infliction of violence. Finally, it examines the conditions under which guilt promotes transformation, repair, and renewal of relationships.

Initiated into Latin America via the revolutionary turmoil of the Dominican Republic in 1965, Sewall ("Stu") Menzel began an adventure into Latino politics and the struggle for power, wealth and influence throughout the region, which would further take him from one trouble-spot to another. Whether it was confronting revolutionaries in the Caribbean, multiple guerrilla threats in Central America, drug traffickers in the Andes Mountains, or recalcitrant dictators, the author brings the reader onto the stage of Latino politics as he experienced it from 1965 to 1989. In this unvarnished presentation of conflict and revolution in the Americas, Colonel Menzel offers a succinct critical analysis of U.S. policy and operations against a historical backdrop of the times. While the United States has always maintained a special relationship with Latin America, the region has been a difficult milieu to deal with in its complexity. Washington's Cold War experience in Latin America amply demonstrates this truth as its attempts to influence regional politics constantly ran up against competing and countervailing values and cultures. As such, the author points out how U.S. national security interests constantly butted heads with and often worked at cross-purposes with the need for human rights-based socio-economic and political reforms. The primary lesson learned from the overall experience is that America needs to know not only what it is against, but also what it is for if it wants to have a lasting positive impact on Latin America. Colonel Menzel's personal experiences and observations involving the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia and Panama amply illustrate the point.

This volume examines the state of the art in modern military history, and the utility of the subject as a training, educational, and policy-relevant tool for professional armed forces. Part 1 explores the state of military historical writing in Britain and the United States, and on specific topics, such as air warfare, naval warfare, intelligence, low-intensity conflict, and the most recent trends in the New Military History. Part 2 illustrates the utility of the historical method in analyzing command decisions, providing an institutional memory for a wide range of policy, command, and operational problems, and its application in specific subjects such as naval strategy, and by certain countries (the US, Germany, and the Soviet Union) in the search for lessons and fundamental principles. The contributing authors represent an impressive cross-section of prominent academic and official historians recognized as leading scholars in the study of military history. The Foreword is written by Anne N. Foreman, Undersecretary of the United States Air Force.

This book will be of interest to the academic and the official historian (and their students) and to military professionals.

In spite of all the attention that has been devoted to men's identity in recent years, the links between men and the military have until now remained unquestioned, and thus unexplored. This groundbreaking volume deconstructs the traditional stereotypes of military identity and makes a strong case for a plurality of identities within a range of theoretical and empirical contexts. Drawing on various disciplines--including sociology, anthropology, ethnography, human geography, and feminist epistemology--the contributors consider the ways in which military masculine identities are created and sustained in the armed forces and the societies in which they operate. Though mainly focused on the British army, this volume explores universal issues such as violence among military communities, the identity of women in the military, and the treatment of conscientious objectors.

What is the role of peace support operations in managing non-traditional crises? This is the central focus of Sloan's analysis of peacekeeping and the changing nature of the international community's involvement in Bosnia following the outbreak of civil war in 1992. The key players in this drama are three institutions-the European Union, NATO, and the United Nations-and five major powers, including Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and the United States. Sloan examines their actions and undertakings through the prism of several perspectives, including the peacekeeping, peacemaking, peace enforcement, and peace building dimensions. This study advances current thinking on peacekeeping and related operations by distinguishing key characteristics of the forms of operation and indicating how they best relate to one another. It also challenges the notion that the international response to conflict in Bosnia was haphazard or confused, suggesting instead that the international community's actions can be readily understood as a reflection of the evolution of great power interests. The overall effect is to shed light on two timely, complex, and interrelated subjects. The reader comes away with a clear understanding of what went wrong (and right) and why in Bosnia, and what lessons the experience holds for the future. This is must reading for military and peacekeeping planners and for scholars and researchers in the fields of strategic studies, international security, and international relations.

Making official history from all over the world accessible, this volume and its companion complement and bring Robin HighaM's 1970 classic work, "Official Histories," up to date. Each chapter, written by the staff of the relevant historical office, gives both historiographical background and information on the volumes published by that office. Covering the Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Rim, this volume provides a plethora of information, as does the companion volume on Europe, Russia, Africa, the Middle East, and India

Buried in official history volumes is a lot of fine and useful history, and official volumes deserve to be perused. This book will make those histories available to scholars and graduate students and will be especially useful to those concerned with military, social, and diplomatic history as well as medicine.

Leader of the Santee Sioux, Inkpaduta (1815-79) participated in some of the most decisive battles of the northern Great Plains, including Custer's defeat at the Little Bighorn. But the attack in 1857 on forty white settlers known as the Spirit Lake Massacre gave Inkpaduta the reputation of being the most brutal of all the Sioux leaders.Paul N. Beck now challenges a century and a half of bias to reassess the life and legacy of this important Dakota leader. In the most complete biography of Inkpaduta ever written, Beck draws on Indian agents' correspondence, journals, and other sources to paint a broader picture of the whole person, showing him to have been not only a courageous warrior but also a dedicated family man and tribal leader who got along reasonably well with whites for most of his life. Beck sheds new light on many poorly understood aspects of Inkpaduta's life, including his journeys in the American West after the Spirit Lake Massacre. Beck reexamines Euro-American attitudes toward Indians and the stereotypes that shaped nineteenth-century writing, showing how they persisted in portrayals of Inkpaduta well into the twentieth century, even after more generous appreciations of American Indian cultures had become commonplace. Long considered a villain whose passion was murdering white settlers, Inkpaduta is here restored to more human dimensions. Inkpaduta: Dakota Leader shatters the myths that surrounded his life for too long and provides the most extensive reassessment of this leader's life to date.

The end of the Cold War in 1989 gave rise to hopes for a new, more peaceful international system and for the redirection of military expenditures--over one-half of annual U.S. federal discretionary spending--toward education and health care, renewing the nation's infrastructure, environmental mitigation, and alternative energy sources. At the beginning of the 21st Century, U.S. military spending remains stuck at 85% of the Cold War average. Why? As Accordino explains, at the federal level, the Iron Triangle comprised of the Pentagon, defense contractors, and a conservative Congress maintained defense spending at Cold War levels, encouraging contractors to stay focused on defense. When some procurement cutbacks and base closures occurred, growth interests recruited lower-wage branch plants, sports, and entertainment facilities, rather than supporting the hard work of defense conversion that creates higher-paying jobs. Nevertheless, some defense contractors and community interests did embrace conversion, showing remarkable potential. Of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with urban and regional planning, public administration and local politics, and regional economic development.

This book provides students, faculty, and general readers with specific information and insights into the ways in which official military history has been written and why. Coverage is international in scope. The volume serves as an introduction to two forthcoming books: "Official Military Histories Since 1967: Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and India" and "Official Military Histories Since 1967: The Western Hemisphere and the Pacific Rim." Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.

Together, the three books will provide the only comprehensive source of information on historical offices and official histories since Robin HighaM's classic book, "Official Histories," was published in 1970.