Results of the 2007 Nuremberg Conference on Peace and Justice: Tensions between peace and justice have long been debated by scholars, practitioners and agencies including the United Nations, and both theory and policy must be refined for very practical application in situations emerging from violent conflict or political repression. Specific contexts demand concrete decisions and approaches aimed at redress of grievance and creation of conditions of social justice for a non-violent future. There has been definitive progress in a world in which blanket amnesties were granted at times with little hesitation. There is a growing understanding that accountability has pragmatic as well as principled arguments in its favour. Practical arguments as much as shifts in the norms have created a situation in which the choice is increasingly seen as "which forms of accountability" rather than a stark choice between peace and justice. It is socio-political transformation, not just an end to violence, that is needed to build sustainable peace. This book addresses these dilemmas through a thorough overview of the current state of legal obligations; discussion of the need for a holistic approach including development; analysis of the implications of the coming into force of the ICC; and a series of "hard" case studies on internationalized and local approaches devised to navigate the tensions between peace and justice.

In a world torn by terror and war and when the planet's most powerful country has abdicated its moral authority and abandoned the community of nations, what the world needs is someone willing to work tireless and selflessly for the only thing that truly matters: a true lasting world peace. Solemn, dignified, and unpretentious; Reinhart Ruge is such a man. Indeed, he has made achieving world peace a life-long endeavor. In 2003, after more than 40 years of dedicated service to the cause of global peace, Sir Reinhart Ruge has been honored for his life's work by being awarded the title of Knight of Malta. More importantly, he has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, and honor richly deserved.

Late modern wars are legitimized through invocations of humanity; variously the rescue and protection of populations, the re-shaping of entire societies, and the re-constitution of the sphere of the international into a pacified cosmopolitan arena. Drawing on critical social and political thought, the book explores the implications, arguing that these same wars, often referred to as 'liberal', may be interpreted as perpetuating forms of exclusion and domination that render war a tool of control now articulated in global terms.

As international attention focuses on the rebuilding of Afghanistan, this collection looks critically at the evolution and meaning of the core concepts underpinning aims and strategies for recovery: the key role of institutional development and capacity building in establishing good governance, based on collaboration between state, civil society and market; the empirical consensus, over many decades, for best practice in development; the acknowledgement that recovery of war-torn societies is a development challenge. It is also shown that, despite this understanding, operational practice continues to contradict these principles and lessons learned from proven experience.

Effective peace agreements are rarely accomplished by idealists. The process of moving from situations of entrenched oppression, armed conflict, open warfare, and mass atrocities toward peace and reconciliation requires a series of small steps and compromises to open the way for the kind of dialogue and negotiation that make political stability, the beginning of democracy, and the rule of law a possibility.

For over forty years, Charles Villa-Vicencio has been on the front lines of Africa's battle for racial equality. In "Walk with Us and Listen," he argues that reconciliation needs honest talk to promote trust building and enable former enemies and adversaries to explore joint solutions to the cause of their conflicts. He offers a critical assessment of the South African experiment in transitional justice as captured in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and considers the influence of "ubuntu," in which individuals are defined by their relationships, and other traditional African models of reconciliation. Political reconciliation is offered as a cautious model against which transitional politics needs to be measured. Villa-Vicencio challenges those who stress the obligation to prosecute those allegedly guilty of gross violation of human rights, replacing this call with the need for more complementarity between the International Criminal Court and African mechanisms to achieve the greater goals of justice and peace building.

This book evaluates American foreign policy actions from the perspective of great power responsibility, with three case studies: Operation Iraqi Freedom, American drone strikes in Pakistan and the post- 9/11 practice of extraordinary rendition. This book argues that the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, American drone attacks in Pakistan and the practice of extraordinary rendition are the examples of irresponsible actions undertaken by the U.S. acting as a great power in international society. Focusing on a major theoretical approach of International Relations, the English School, this book considers the responsibilities of great powers in international society. It points to three obligations of great powers: to act according to the norm of legality, to act according to the norm of legitimacy, and to adhere to the principles of prudence. The author applies the criteria of legality, legitimacy and prudence, to analyse the three foreign policy endeavours of the U.S., and, developing a normative framework, clarifies the implications for future U.S. foreign policy. This book will be of strong interest to students and scholars of international relations, international relations theory, American politics, foreign policy studies, international law, South Asian studies and Middle Eastern studies.

In the space of a generation, Cyprus - the island of Aphrodite, goddess of beauty and love - has experienced an anti-colonial struggle, post-colonial chaos, internecine fighting and hatred, civil war, invasion, population displacements and physical partition. The narrative of Cyprus' recent history has created numerous attitudes and prejudices which run deep but which have never before been explored on a human level. Now for the first time Yiannis Papadakis, firmly planted in the Greek Cypriot world, sets out to discover 'The Other' - the much maligned Turks. Papadakis decided with some trepidation to travek to Constantinople (to his Greek worldview it was still Constantinople) to learn Turkish. There he discovered that actually it is Istanbul, and that Turkey is not the place of his once imagined demonology. Armed with new insights he returned to Cyprus and delved into the two communities, locked in their mutually contemptuous embrace, to explore their common humanity and to understand what has divided them. He focused on Nicosia where the people who used to live together in one neighbourhood found themselves separated by a 'Dead Zone', two armies and a UN force. His was a journey to the various sides of the Dead Zone and to the various zones of the dead, the realms of memory and history. This book is the moving, sometimes humorous and always fascinating account of that journey.

This book examines Winston Churchill's role in the creation and development of the Anglo-American special relationship. Drawing together world leading and emergent scholars, this volume offers a critical celebration of Churchill's contribution to establishing the Anglo-American special relationship. Marking the seventieth anniversary of Churchill's pronouncement in 1946 of that special relationship in his famous Iron Curtain speech, the book provides new insights into old debates by drawing upon approaches and disciplines that have hitherto been marginalised or neglected. The book foregrounds agency, culture, values, ideas and the construction and representation of special Anglo-American relations, past and present. The volume covers two main themes. Firstly, it identifies key influences upon Churchill as he developed his political career, especially processes and patterns of Anglo-American convergence prior to and during World War Two. Second, it provides insights into how Churchill sought to promote a post-war Anglo-American special relationship, how he discursively constructed it and how he has remained central to that narrative to the present day. From this analysis emerges new understanding of the raw material from which Churchill conjured special UK-US relations and of how his conceptualisation of that special relationship has been shaped and re-shaped in the decades after 1946. This book will be of much interest to students of Anglo-American relations, Cold War Studies, foreign policy, international history and IR in general.

Through US military history, Lavender directly confronts the dominant US viewpoint of redemptive violence, the concept that a nation can use its military to improve the human condition. Alternatives are presented in order to encourage the current recessive worldview that supports conflict resolution, cooperation, collaboration and peaceful efforts.

This is the first scholarly study of late Victorian and Edwardian peace activism, the precursor to the pacifism of the 1930s and later. The movement's activists included Richard Cobden, Herbert Spencer, Keir Hardie, J. A. Hobson, and Norman Angell, and it made a significant impact on public debate over issues such as the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1 and the international crisis leading up to the First World War.

Germany and the Future of European Security examines the impact of unification on German foreign and security policy, providing the first comprehensive analysis of how the unified Germany has adapted to the post-Cold War security environment. The book considers the development of Germany's understanding of the European security environment, Germany's national interests, its role in Europe and the international system and the policy instruments at its disposal. This provides a context for testing various views about the future of European security more generally.

This 12-volume set of previously out-of-print tiles examines many aspects of conflict and security in the Middle East. Works on the first Gulf War (including one on its environmental impact) sit alongside books about the superpowers, nuclear rivalry and attempts at peacemaking.

This study outlines the emerging cultural turn in Peace Studies and provides a critical understanding of the cultural dimension of reconciliation. Taking an anthropological view on decentralization and peacebuilding in Indonesia, it sets new standards for an interdisciplinary research field.

This dictionary provides information on the writers, editors, and publications that have carried on a strong American tradition of peace advocacy that goes back to colonial times. The only work of its kind, the dictionary contains entries for some 400 individuals and more than 200 periodicals that represent viewpoints ranging from radical nonresistance, religious pacifism, and racial nonviolence, to selective anti-war positions and advocacy of world government.

Professor Roberts' introduction presents an interpretive overview of peace advocacy and the various print media that became vehicles for it, including mainstream magazines and church or peace movement publications such as tracts, books, and pamphlets. Each entry summarizes the individual's literary contributions and lists known affiliations with periodicals, peace organizations, and religious groups. The bibliographic section documents a representative selection of periodicals that have sought to promote peace at various times in America's history. The volume also includes information on peace organizations and the writers and editors affiliated with them. The product of meticulous research, this reference dictionary brings together a rich collection of material on the writers, social reformers, and publications that have shaped American pacifist tradition. Of interest for the fields of American social history, journalism and communication history, and religion, as well as peace studies.

Humanitarian action confronts us with the dilemmas of international relations in the age of globalization. The approach in this book is holistic, comparative and analytical. Humanitarian intervention is considered from the point of view of political economy, public administration, international relations, international law, the military, political theory, sociology, culture and media studies. Chapters discuss experiences across Bosnia, Rwanda, Somalia, Iraq, Haiti and other cases, if we are moving towards global governance humanitarian intervention is part of this motion. It is a harbinger of a new global politics, which is all the more reason to consider it scrupulously.

The Elgar Handbook of Civil War and Fragile States brings together contributions from a multidisciplinary group of internationally renowned scholars on such important issues as the causes of violent conflicts and state fragility, the challenges of conflict resolution and mediation, and the obstacles to post-conflict reconstruction and durable peace-building. While other companion volumes exist, this detailed and comprehensive book brings together an unrivalled range of disciplinary perspectives, including development economists, quantitative and qualitative political scientists, and sociologists. Topical chapters include: Post-Conflict and State Fragility, Ethnicity, Human Security, Poverty and Conflict, Economic Dimensions of Civil War, Climate Change and Armed Conflict, Rebel Recruitment, Education and Violent Conflict, Obstacles to Peace Settlements and many others. With detailed and comprehensive coverage, this Handbook will appeal to postgraduate and undergraduate students, policymakers, researchers and academics in conflict and peace studies, international relations, international politics and security studies. Contributors include: P. Aall, T. Addison, P.H. Baker, R.H. Bates, J. Bercovitch, G.K. Brown, H. Buhaug, P. Clark, C.A. Crocker, H. Dorussen, V.P. Fortna, S. Fukuda-Parr, K.S. Gleditsch, N.P. Gleditsch, Y. Guichaoua, F.O. Hampson, C.A. Hartzell, H. Hegre, H. Holtermann, L.M. Howard, P. Justino, A. Langer, R. Licklider, K. Long, C. Lutmar, D.M. Malone, J. McGarry, C. Messineo, N.W. Metternich, R. Muggah, S.M. Murshed, H. Nitzscke, B. O Leary, J. Ohiorhenuan, A. Ruggeri, B.R. Sorensen, F. Stewart, M.Z. Tadjoeddin, O.M. Theisen, H. Urdal, P. Vermeersch, S. Wolff

Nimmo examines Japanese and Russian attempts to resolve outstanding differences lingering since the end of World War II. He provides an in-depth analysis of Japanese efforts to regain control of the Northern Territories and explores attitudes of both Japanese and Russians at the grass roots level. As the end of the twentieth century approaches, lingering shadows of the devastating mid-century conflict witnessed in World War II are reflected in a territorial dispute between Japan and Russia over possession of the South Kurile Islands, known as the Northern Territories in Japan. For more than four decades, Kremlin leaders contended there was no territorial problem--the 1945 Yalta Agreement resolved the issue, they claimed--but Japan doggedly insisted the islands were Japanese territory. Yet, even with the major changes that have taken place since the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia and Japan have been unable to reach an agreement. Nimmo examines the attempts of the two countries and their statesmen to resolve their differences. He provides an in-depth analysis of Japanese efforts to regain control of the Northern Territories and explores attitudes of both Japanese and Russians at the grass roots level. Nimmo provides an overview of the historical perspectives while giving an extended examination of changing relationships in the post-1991 era. This book will be of interest to diplomatic and military historians, Japanese and Russian (Soviet) Studies scholars, and students of the contemporary East Asia.

This book looks at the Guatemalan peace process, which was successful in providing a development program to modernize the economy and national infrastructure with the support of international organizations and negotiating parties. Short draws on the political theory of Antonio Gramsci to analyze the extent to which peace processes offer opportunity for progressive social transformation.

This book analyses the impact that prolonged socio-political conflict in India has had on political and social spaces for women. Focusing in particular on Assam in the North East of India, it looks at how the conflict can be restricting, and yet can also have the potential to expand these spaces for women owing to the collapsing of boundaries of gender roles, thereby creating niche areas that may be leveraged for socio-political transformation. Based on empirical material collected from in-depth interviews with individuals on both sides of the conflict, the book locates the analysis in both a legal and political context. It examines the causes, dynamics and impact of the ethno-political conflicts in Assam, as well as the efficacy and outcomes of 'capacity building' programmes aimed at rehabilitating the surrendered militants as well as assisting affected women. The book goes on to look at the role played by civil society, especially the Mahila Shanti Sena (Women Peace Corp), towards conflict transformation. It highlights the preventive, mitigative and adaptive measures taken by the women and their role as agents of peace in the volatile zones of North East India. Analysing the changing role of women in conflict situations, as well as the legal measures and regulatory mechanisms in place for women in vulnerable pockets of India, this book is a useful contribution to Gender Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, and South Asian Politics.

Politics in Pakistan has traditionally been understood in the context of civil-military relationship. In May 2013, for the first time in history, Pakistan saw an elected government complete a full term in office and transfer power through the ballot box to another civilian government. In view of such an important development, this book offers critical perspectives on Pakistan's current democratic transition and its implications for national politics, security and foreign policy. It critically analyses the emerging political trends in the country, including their underlying sources, attributes, constraints, and prospects of sustainability. Drawing on history, diverse theoretical perspectives, and empirical evidence, it explains the dynamics of the democratic process, contested borders and spaces, and regionalism. Contributions are from 13 prominent scholars in the field, who provide a wide-ranging analysis of Pakistan's contemporary national and regional challenges, as well as the opportunities they entail for its viability as a democratic state. Taking the debate on Pakistan beyond the outmoded notions of praetorian politics and security, the book explores the future prospects of civilian supremacy in the country. It will be of interest to students and scholars of South Asian Politics, Political Sociology and Security Studies, as well as policy-makers, diplomats, security experts and military professionals.

A sweeping and theoretically original analysis of the India-Pakistan rivalry from 1947 to the present. Since their mutual independence in 1947, India and Pakistan have been engaged in a fierce rivalry. Even today, both rivals continue to devote enormous resources to their military competition even as they face other pressing challenges at home and abroad. Why and when do rival states pursue conflict or cooperation? In The Difficult Politics of Peace, Christopher Clary provides a systematic examination of war-making and peace-building in the India-Pakistan rivalry from 1947 to the present. Drawing upon new evidence from recently declassified documents and policymaker interviews, the book traces India and Pakistan's complex history to explain patterns in their enduring rivalry and argues that domestic politics have often overshadowed strategic interests. It shows that Pakistan's dangerous civil-military relationship and India's fractious coalition politics have frequently stymied leaders that attempted to build a more durable peace between the South Asian rivals. In so doing, Clary offers a revised understanding of the causes of war and peace that brings difficult and sometimes dangerous domestic politics to the forefront.

During times of grave injustice, some individuals, groups, and organizations courageously resist maltreatment of all people, regardless of their backgrounds. Courageous resisters have assisted others in such locales as Nazi-controlled Europe throughout the 1930s and 40s, Argentina during the "Dirty War" of the 1970s, Rwanda in the 1990s genocide and Iraqi prisons in recent years. Using these and other case studies, this book introduces readers to the broad spectrum of courageous resistance and provides a framework for analyzing the factors that motivate and sustain opposition to human rights violations.

Recent trends and events worldwide have increased public interest in nonviolence, pacifism, and peace psychology as well as professional interest across the social sciences. Nonviolence and Peace Psychology assembles multiple perspectives to create a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the concepts and phenomena of nonviolence than is usually seen on the subject. Through this diverse literature spanning psychology, political science, religious studies, anthropology, and sociology peace psychologist Dan Mayton gives readers the opportunity to view nonviolence as a body of principles, a system of pragmatics, and a strategy for social change. This important volume:

• Draws critical distinctions between nonviolence, pacifism, and related concepts.
• Classifies nonviolence in terms of its scope (intrapersonal, interpersonal, societal, global) and pacifism according to political and situational dimensions.
• Applies standard psychological concepts such as beliefs, motives, dispositions, and values to define nonviolent actions and behaviors.
• Brings sociohistorical and cross-cultural context to peace psychology.
• Analyzes a century s worth of nonviolent social action, from the pathbreaking work of Gandhi and King to the Courage to Refuse movement within the Israeli armed forces.
• Reviews methodological and measurement issues in nonviolence research, and suggests areas for future study.

Although more attention is traditionally devoted to violence and aggression within the social sciences, Nonviolence and Peace Psychology reveals a robust knowledge base and a framework for peacebuilding work, granting peace psychologists, activists, and mediators new possibilities for the transformative power of nonviolence."

This issue of the Unesco Yearbook focuses on World War II, a war which raises a number of issues for peace research and for social science research in general. One issue concerns the extent of the war which, although centered in Europe, also involved large parts of North Africa and Southeast Asia as well. Conflict outside of Europe can be traced to underlying problems of colonization and decolonization. In Europe, the war can be related to the aftermath of World War I and the subsequent inability of the League of Nations to arbitrate between opposing interests. The economic depression of the 1930s and the rise of fascism are also key factors; the rise of fascism, in turn, can be traced in part to the desire on the part of Germany and Italy to retrieve ingredients of their cultural past. In Japan, however, militarism was incurred less by the rise of fascism, than by Japan's semifeudalized, militarized industrial development. Perhaps the most significant issue is the watershed nature of World War II, which was marked by the impact of the atomic bomb in changing the nature and implications of warfare and by the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as major powers with new alliances which drastically altered the geopolitical balance of power. The essays in this collection represent the contributions of international authorities on these critical issues. They deal with European currents of war such as the rise of fascism; the psychological mobilization of the German people; the policies of the Third Reich towards Jews, Gypsies, and Slavs; the Polish Resistance; the impact of the German and Italian occupation of North Africa; and Irish neutrality. They also treat movements in Asia, including the impact of militarism on Japanese society before and during the war; China's resistance against Japan and the founding of a new China; and the impact of the war on independence movements in Asia. The final sections of the volume contain the 1985 update of Unesco activities relating to peace and disarmament, and regional and national develolpments. The international perspectives of this volume's contributors make this a valuable contribution to peace studies and the study of the impact of World War II. It will provide enlightening reading for political scientists and for courses in peace studies and government policy.

Post-conflict peacebuilding efforts can fail if they do not pay sufficient attention to natural resources. Natural resources - diamonds, oil, and minerals - are frequently at the heart of historic grievances, and have caused or funded at least eighteen conflicts since 1990. The same resources can play a central role in post-conflict peacebuilding, providing revenue for cash-starved governments, basic services for collapsed economies, and means for restoring livelihoods. To date, there is a striking gap in knowledge of what works, what does not, and how to improve peacebuilding through more effective and systematic management of natural resources. Post-Conflict Peacebuilding and Natural Resource Management addresses this gap by examining the growing literature on the topic and surveying experiences across more than forty post-conflict countries. The six-volume series includes more than 130 chapters from over 200 researchers, practitioners, and policymakers.