Decision makers in managerial and public organizations often encounter de cision problems under conflict or competition, because they select strategies independently or by mutual agreement and therefore their payoffs are then affected by the strategies of the other decision makers. Their interests do not always coincide and are at times even completely opposed. Competition or partial cooperation among decision makers should be considered as an essen tial part of the problem when we deal with the decision making problems in organizations which consist of decision makers with conflicting interests. Game theory has been dealing with such problems and its techniques have been used as powerful analytical tools in the resolution process of the decision problems. The publication of the great work by J. von Neumann and O. Morgen stern in 1944 attracted attention of many people and laid the foundation of game theory. We can see remarkable advances in the field of game theory for analysis of economic situations and a number of books in the field have been published in recent years. The aim of game theory is to specify the behavior of each player so as to optimize the interests of the player. It then recommends a set of solutions as strategies so that the actions chosen by each decision maker (player) lead to an outcome most profitable for himself or her self."

This volume comprehensively covers a range of issues related to dynamic norm change in the current major international arms control regimes related to nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; small arms and light weapons; cluster munitions; and antipersonnel mines. Arms control policies of all of the key established and rising state actors are considered, as well as those of nonaligned countries, nongovernmental organizations, and international governing bodies.
Recent studies on multilateral arms control tend to focus mostly on "structure," by which opportunities and constraints for action are created. This volume pays equal attention to "agency," through which opportunities and constraints to produce change or maintain the status quo are handled. In addition-and in greater depth than in recent studies-the volume acknowledges the force of moral and ethical impulses (alongside such factors as political, legal, and technological change) in the evolution of arms control norms.
The volume begins with a look at the structure of regimes, at the conflicts residing in these structures, and at the dynamic processes in which these conflicts are worked out. The impact of extrinsic factors on norm dynamics is considered next, including technological change and shifts in attitudes and power structures. Essays on the role of agency in driving norm change conclude the volume, with a particular focus on norm entrepreneurship and the importance of acknowledging the competing justice claims surrounding norm-change efforts.
Contributors: Una Becker-Jakob, Alexis Below, Marco Fey, Giorgio Franceschini, Andrea Hellmann, Gregor Hofmann, Friederike Klinke, Daniel Muller, Harald Muller, Franziska Plummer, Carsten Rauch, Judith Reuter, Elvira Rosert, Annette Schaper, Hans-Joachim Schmidt, Tabea Seidler-Diekmann, Simone Wisotzki, Carmen Wunderlich.

In recent years, peace psychology has grown from a utopian idea to a means of transforming societies worldwide. Yet at the same time peacebuilding enjoys global appeal, the diversity of nations and regions demands interventions reflecting local cultures and realities. Peace Psychology in Asia shows this process in action, emphasizing concepts and methods diverging from those common to the US and Europe.

Using examples from China, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and elsewhere in the region, chapter authors illuminate the complex social, political, and religious conditions that have fostered war, colonialism, dictatorships, and ethnic strife, and the equally intricate personal and collective psychologies that need to be developed to encourage reconciliation, forgiveness, justice, and community. Peace Psychology in Asia

• Integrates psychology, history, political science, and local culture into concepts of peace and reconciliation.
• Highlights the indigenous aspects of peace psychology.
• Explains the critical relevance of local culture and history in peace work.
• Blends innovative theoretical material with empirical evidence supporting peace interventions.
• Balances its coverage among local, national, regional, and global contexts.
• Analyzes the potential of Asia as a model for world peace.

As practice-driven as it is intellectually stimulating, Peace Psychology in Asia is vital reading for social and community psychologists, policy analysts, and researchers in psychology and sociology and international studies, including those looking to the region for ideas on peace work in non-Western countries.

This book examines the various competing interpretations of Kant's foundational Perpetual Peace since its initial publication in the late eighteenth-century. According to Easley's analysis, there are two patterns of interpretations: 1) the text endorses peace proposals above the state level, 2) the text is in favour of peace proposals at the state level. The principal explanation for these two patterns resides in the rise and fall of hopes for peace through international organizations. It can also be attributed to the rise in the number of liberal states over time. Eric Easley provides a comprehensive historical background and analytical framework for understanding Perpetual Peace, allowing scholars of international relations to better understand and appreciate its complex meaning and see beyond the conventionally accepted interpretations of the day.

This book documents recent and historical events in the theoretically-based practice of peace development. Its diverse collection of essays describes different aspects of applied philosophy in peace action, commonly involving the contributors’ continual engagement in the field, while offering support and optimal responses to conflict and violence. This study has never been timelier, as the omnipresence of conflict and the widespread opportunities to respond to them with nonviolence and peace practices.

In 1995 the Kroc Institute at the University of Notre Dame hosted the first of the Theodore M. Hesburgh Lectures on Ethics and Public Policy. Stanley Hoffmann delivered two lectures on the problems of humanitarian intervention in international relations. This volume presents these lectures.

* Provides evidence, examples, and explanation of the developing tactics-illustrated recently in politics in particular-of embedding internal saboteurs bent on dismantling their own institutions from within * Presents numerous case studies to examine instances of insider compromises, including the circumstances and warning signs that led to events * Outlines solutions on how to train organizations and individuals on recognizing, reporting, mitigating, and deterring insider threats

Despite our advances in technology and education, we still live in a world permeated by violence. This introductory textbook in the field of peace psychology addresses the psychological causes of violence and nonviolence, conflict resolution, nonviolent struggle, and the confluence of public policy and private lifestyles. Just as health providers study disease and its prevention, understanding the causes of violent behavior and how to prevent such behavior is a basic cornerstone for those who are working towards a healthy society. Another parallel: maintaining physical health involves positive practices; similarly, positive nonviolent approaches need to be psychologically understood and encouraged. The second edition of The Psychology of Peace: An Introduction demonstrates what can be learned through the lens of peace psychology, providing a solid foundation in the psychological theories needed for building and maintaining a peaceful society and peaceful individuals. This second edition incorporates the tremendous amount of new research and subsequent events since 2003, including post-2003 violent and nonviolent revolutions, such as the ongoing war in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the nonviolent overthrowing of dictators in Tunisia and Egypt. Author MacNair again outlines why application of psychological study to the soundness of decision-making for public policy-and to the policies themselves-is crucial knowledge, and how applying the study to private practices and even art can help build up a peaceful society.

Although the Falklands War of 1982 had a decisive outcome in respect to the restoration of British control, it failed to resolve the basic cause of the war: the Anglo-Argentine dispute over sovereignty. Relations between the two countries remain unstable, whilst a series of events throughout the past three decades have emphasised the sensitive and important nature of the international problem. First published in 1988, this book stresses the dispute's significance as both a domestic and an international problem, with important consequences for other governments and such international organisations as the United Nations, as well as the two key players. The book shows an equal concern for the obvious and immediate problem of sovereignty, and for the long term future of the South Atlantic and Antarctic region. Discussing issues that remain of major political relevance, this reissue will be of particular value to students of politics, international relations and diplomatic history with an interest in the key developments within and background to the Anglo-Argentine dispute.

Positing that the Palestinians are a unit mainly triangled between Israel, the Territories, and Jordan, and that the territory in dispute encompasses the whole of British Mandate Palestine, Raphael Israeli gives an overview of the roots and historical development of the problem. He then analyzes and discusses in-depth all the solutions envisioned so far (status quo, Jordanization of Palestine, Palestinization of Jordan, annexation, territorial compromise, autonomy and transfer of population), focusing on the reasons for their failure and/or unacceptability. Professor Israeli challenges conventional wisdom and comes up with a workable answer that could square the triangle. The solution, based on mutual recognition and respect, is premised on a rigorous and fair parallelism between the claims and rights of both parties, Israelis and Palestinians. This means that Jews, as well as Palestinians, should be recognized as a people (and not only a religion) by their adversaries--equally entitled to self-determination, to their national liberation movements (Zionism in the case of the Jews) and to the territory in dispute (i.e., the whole of Mandate Palestine). These premises being accepted, the problem, now reduced to a quantitative and therefore negotiable one, will be to divide the land at stake into a State of Palestine (east) and Israel (west). Having thus tried to meet the contradictory needs of both parties, Israeli comes up with a novel and imaginative solution--embodying a new concept of sovereignty, that could well serve as a model elsewhere--to the problem of minorities left in Israel or Palestine. It rests on the possibility of opting for one of two statuses in each country: --that of full citizen, with all the rights and obligations citizenship creates; or --that of resident alien, with all the rights and protection, as well as inherent limitations, that this status brings. The adoption of this unique solution would open up many possibilities for cooperation and peace in the Middle East.

It was in Europe that the Cold War reached a decisive turning point in the 1960s, leading to the era of detente. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), with its Final Act in Helsinki in August 1975, led to a rapprochement between East and West in the fields of security, economy and culture. This volume offers a pilot study in what the authors perceive as the key issues within this process: an understanding over the 'German problem' (balancing the recognition of the post-war territorial status quo against a formula for the eventuality of a peaceful change of frontiers) and the Western strategy of transformation through a multiplication of contacts between the two blocs. Both of these arguments emerged from the findings of an international research project on 'Detente and CSCE in Europe, 1966-1975', funded by the Volkswagen Stiftung and headed by the two editors.

We know of the blood and tears provoked by the projects of transformation of the world through war or revolution. Starting from the essay published in 1921 by Walter Benjamin, twentieth century philosophy has been committed to the criticism of violence, even when it has claimed to follow noble ends. But what do we know of the dilemmas, of the "betrayals," of the disappointments and tragedies which the movement of non-violence has suffered? This book tells a fascinating history: from the American Christian organizations in the first decades of the nineteenth century who wanted to eliminate slavery and war in a non-violent way, to the protagonists of movements-Thoreau, Tolstoy, Gandhi, Capitini, M. L. King, the Dalai Lama-who either for idealism or for political calculation flew the flag of non-violence, up to the leaders of today's "color revolutions."

Does it really help women to think of sexual harassment primarily as a legal issue?

High-profile sexual harassment suits, such as that of Paula Jones against President Clinton, are often life-changing events, with all parties coming away with careers, reputations, and lives profoundly affected. Women have long suffered on the job from sexual extortion, now called quid pro quo harassment, but today the controversy centers on "hostile environment" harassment. Every one has an opinion about it; managements spend more and more money training people not to do it; and still the suits strike like lightning-devastating and seemingly random. Women and men often feel polarized in the workplace by what they perceive to be general hostility couched in sexual terms.

What to Do When You Don't Want to Call the Cops questions establishment assumptions that women are, by definition, passive victims who require government help. It sees instead a period of transition toward a more balanced population of women in the workplace, with accompanying disruptions that can be minimized by understanding. Joan Kennedy Taylor presents what we know about the workplace and interviews managers, labor experts, and workers in such male-dominated fields as construction, engineering, business, and medicine to shed light on the male group culture that exists without women. She illustrates expressive behaviors that may be objectionable but are not sexual harassment and proposes specific strategies by which these objectionable behaviors can be countered, including a new feminist approach in company training programs. Taylor examines traditional and nontraditional workplaces, and female on male as well as male on male harassment, in order to apply these strategies to the entire picture.

Lively and anecdotal, Taylor's balanced, non-adversarial study fills an important gap by providing strategies for businesses and employees, as well as for those who find themselves the target of sexual harassment.

Debates between realists, communitarians, and cosmopolitans about the ethics of intervention in world politics are disciplined by competing models of the public/private distinction. Taking insights and controversies from feminist political theory, Lu focuses on this construct to illuminate alternative images of 'sovereignty as privacy' and 'sovereignty as responsibility', and to identify new ethical challenges arising from the increased agency of private global civil society actors, and their uneasy relationship with the world of states in contexts of 'humanitarian intervention'.

First published in 2004 in the immediate wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, this is an accessible commentary intended to provoke thought and debate on the topic of terrorism. In a collection of challenging essays, questions consider the causes of terrorism and why post-modern terrorism is different. The essays are divided into three key sections, first investigating the civilizational roots and dimensions of contemporary terrorism, next examining the Bush administration's approach, and finally, considering the complex and changing relationship between fear and freedom. Written by a leading scholar in Middle East and Asian Studies, this comprehensive reissue will be of particular value to students of international relations and terrorism studies, as well as the more general reader with an interest in the global issues faced in the age of contemporary terrorism.

Drawing on many of the wars and peaces of recent decades, this book offers a persuasive new perspective on postwar justice. In her analysis wars of succession, wars for territory, and the political institutions that precede and follow wars, Fixdal explores the outer limits of the idea that it is worth paying almost any price for peace.

In response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 and war in Afghanistan, the Fulbright New Century Scholars program brought together social scientists from around the world to study sectarian, ethnic, and cultural conflict within and across national borders. As one result of their year of intense discussion, this book examines the roots of collective violence - and the measures taken to avoid it - in Burma (Myanmar), China, Germany, Pakistan, Senegal, Singapore, Thailand, Tibet, Ukraine, Southeast Asia, and Western Europe. Case studies and theoretical essays introduce the basic principles necessary to identify and explain the symbols and practices each unique human group holds sacred or inalienable. The authors apply the methods of political science, social psychology, anthropology, journalism, and educational research. They build on the insights of Gordon Allport, Charles Taylor, and Max Weber to describe and analyze the patterns of behavior that social groups worldwide use to maintain their identities. Written to inform the general reader and communicate across disciplinary boundaries, this important and timely volume demonstrates ways of understanding, predicting and coping with ethnic and sectarian violence. Contributors: Badeng Nima, David Brown, Kwanchewan Buadaeng, Patrick B. Inman, Karina V. Korostelina, James L. Peacock, Thomas F. Pettigrew, Wee Teng Soh, Hamadou Tidiane Sy, Patricia M. Thornton, Mohammad Waseem.

Langholtz examines how psychology and other social sciences can offer both theoretical explanations and practical applications in the resolution and amelioration of potentially violent international conflicts. Since the end of the Cold War and bipolar ideologies, the international community has been willing to intervene using approaches that are founded as much in psychology as in force and these remedies have not been confined to the violent periods of conflicts. This book examines psychological interventions and issues during three phases of conflicts. First, the book examines measures available in advance of a threatening conflict through early intervention and an examination of ethnopolitical issues, economic problems, and potential diplomatic solutions. Second, psychological facets of peacekeeping are examined: the selection of peacekeepers, psychological ambiguities of peacekeeping, and the numbing that comes with widespread suffering. Finally the book examines the psychological measures available to strengthen a cease-fire, deal with mines and related after-effects of war, encourage reconciliation, and hasten the return to a stable and durable peace.

Since the Bali terrorist attacks in 2002, law enforcement agencies have rigorously combatted terrorist networks in Southeast Asia, yet groups motivated by violent extremist interpretations of Islam remain resilient and dangerous. This book shines a light on specific beliefs, behaviors, and policies that impact these challenges, ultimately offering cutting-edge, effective tools for response. The book begins by challenging misguided and controversial notions that depict Islam as an inherently violent religion, arguing that the theological-ideological amalgam of what has been called Salafabism is the more useful lens for recognizing closed-minded extremist currents. The book carefully distinguishes this Salafabist extremist mindset from relatively open-minded Salafabist radicalism, paying due attention to "nonviolent extremists" and the ways they can contribute to rather than reduce violent terrorist activity in the region. Using poignant case studies from Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia, the book clarifies a bewildering range of terminology associated with Islamist violence and explains how imprecise and oversimplified narratives are destructive to progress—and worse, empowering to terrorist organizations. These chapters build up to research-informed policies and rhetorical recommendations for improved outcomes. With its novel insights into the root causes of extremist terrorism in Southeast Asia, the ineffective policies that prohibit progress and promote unrest in this region, and the avenues for positive change, this book offers a comprehensive strategy for fostering theologically sound yet culturally authentic counterterrorist measures that defend the complex, richly textured tapestry of culture in Southeast Asia.

In this fascinating study, Carolyn Kitching examines the role which Britain played at the Geneva Disarmament Conference, an event which marked a watershed in inter-war international relations. Failure to reach agreement in Geneva hastened the collapse of the Treaty of Versailles, and gave the green light for German re-armament. Britain was arguably the only Power capable of mediating between conflicting French and German demands over the Treaty's disarmament clauses, and this analysis reveals that the traditional interpretation of British policy at the conference needs to be drastically revised.

In this straightforward exploration of core problems facing humanity, hope is combined with realism based on confidence in the energies and capacities of citizens outside government to meet the pressing challenges we face today. Saunders presents an eye-opening approach to politics, focusing on the cumulative, multilevel, open-ended process of continuous interaction over time in whole bodies politic across permeable borders, either within or between countries. Showing how this approach works on the ground through examples from West Virginia to South Africa, Tajikistan to China, this book is a major contribution to our understanding of the state of the world and the prospects of democracy.

This volume captures the essence of how we communicate differences in relationships, between and across cultures, in organizations, through education and in moments of local and global conflict and crisis that demonstrates the importance and viability of approaching peace and conflict communication from various fields within communication studies.

This study challenges the easy assumption that peacekeeping as we've known it in the past will be the 'pill for every ill' in the future. A 'new world order' means new types of conflict breaking out almost anywhere in a world that is more volatile and less predictable than before. Contributors to this volume argue that we need to get back to basics; that there are sobering lessons to be learnt from Somalia, the Lebanon and Cambodia; that we need to ask some fundamental questions. Can peacekeeping be 'reformed' or must it be totally 'reinvented'? Are soldiers the best peacekeepers and, if not, who should replace them?