This book discusses the many legal aspects arising in relation to the maintenance of peace in Africa. Over the past twenty years, the majority of peace operations have been deployed on this continent, most of them established by the UN Security Council, sometimes in cooperation with the African Union and other African regional organizations, with contributions from the European Union and NATO. In some cases, the African Union has invoked its 'primary responsibility for promoting peace, security and stability in Africa', thus questioning the legal partnership between UN and regional organizations provided for in Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The peace operations deployed in Africa have sometimes received a very robust mandate, which also includes the use of force and the protection of civilians' human rights. The implementation of this broad mandate, which goes well beyond the traditional 'peacekeeping approach', requires considerable human and economic resources. Moreover, it raises several issues of concern with regard to the impact on the economic and political systems of the states in which the operations are deployed and, more generally, on the exercise of sovereignty over their territorial communities by these states. Offering an update for lawyers in practice and in academia interested in the field of international law, the book also contributes to the theoretical studies concerning the activities of international organizations, focusing on one of the most challenging issues to emerge in recent times.

This volume analyzes crises in International Relations (IR) in an innovative way. Rather than conceptualizing a crisis as something unexpected that has to be managed, the contributors argue that a crisis needs to be analyzed within a wider context of change: when new discourses are formed, communities are (re)built, and new identities emerge. Focusing on Ukraine, the book explore various questions related to crisis and change, including: How are crises culturally and socially constructed? How do issues of agency and structure come into play in Ukraine? Which subjectivities were brought into existence by Ukraine crisis discourses? Chapters explore the participation of women in Euromaidan, identity shifts in the Crimean Tatar community and diaspora politics, discourses related to corruption, anti-Soviet partisan warfare, and the annexation of Crimea, as well as long distance impacts of the crisis.

This book explores the international law framework governing the use of armed force in occupied territory through a rigorous analysis of the interplay between jus ad bellum, international humanitarian law, and international human rights law. Through an examination of state practice and opinio juris, treaty provisions and relevant international and domestic case law, this book offers the first comprehensive study on this topic. This book will be relevant to scholars, practitioners, legal advisors, and students across a range of sub-disciplines of international law, as well as in peace and conflict studies, international relations, and political science. This study will influence the way in which States use armed force in occupied territory, offering guidance and support in litigations before domestic and international courts and tribunals.

This book takes a new approach to answering the question of how NATO survived after the Cold War by examining its complex relationship with the United States. A closer look at major NATO engagements in the post-Cold War era, including in the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya, reveals how the US helped comprehensively reshape the alliance. In every conflict, there was tension between the United States and its allies over mission leadership, political support, legal precedents, military capabilities, and financial contributions. The author explores why allied actions resulted in both praise and criticism of NATO's contributions from American policymakers, and why despite all of this and the growing concern over the alliance's perceived shortcomings the United States continued to support the alliance. In addition to demonstrating the American influence on the alliance, this works demonstrates why NATO's survival is beneficial to US interests.

"Two Stars for Peace" makes a compelling case for merging Israel and Palestine into the United States. Dozens of possible objections are addressed using clear logic, historical precedent, and current statistics. This bold new strategy is also shown to be essential to removing the kindling wood of terrorism from Middle East politics.

"Two Stars for Peace" is the natural successor to "The Jewish State, " Theodore Herzl's hundred-year old booklet that created Zionism. Author Martine Rothblatt persuasively demonstrates that "two-state" solutions, such as the current Middle East Roadmap, are doomed to failure, as is unbridled Zionism. However, there is a "two-star" solution that is consistent with the true spirit of Zionism, as well as with complete satisfaction of Palestinian aspirations. America is asked to rise to one of its greatest challenges by welcoming "Two Stars for Peace."

When it comes to conflict resolution, is an ounce of prevention worth a pound of cure? Leading scholars lay out an analytical and methodological framework for evaluating this question, and case studies on global hotspots from Bosnia to Somalia, Rwanda, Cambodia, and El Salvador (among others) put it to the test.

Political accommodation in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa at the macro level may not, by itself, be sufficient to achieve the long term goals of building peace and reconciliation. This book uses Lederach's peace building model to explore issues which may provide a basis for transformation and a lasting peace in the three countries.

Conflict Resolution in Asia: Mediation and Other Cultural Models is an exploration of human interaction, conflict, and conflict resolution in the incredibly diverse region that consists of South, East, and Southeast Asia. It examines how traditional, indigenous, and culturally based conflict resolution processes interact with more formal legal systems to build infrastructures that address conflicts at the interpersonal to international levels in ways that maintain social harmony. This book provides insight into situations where unique cultures come together to create a larger cultural identity, and how constructive and appropriate conflict resolution systems can work every day to establish positive relationships and overall peace in these complex communities. It demonstrates the importance of culture in addressing conflict and conflict resolution, and validates the significance of culturally appropriate processes in building and sustaining peace. From Southeast Asia, a survey of Indonesia, Laos, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, and Vietnam highlights their rich cultures and conflict resolution processes. From East Asia, Mainland China and Hong Kong show the history of traditional models and the incorporation of mediation within a more formal legal system. Finally, a section on South Asia examines customary methods of dispute resolution working alongside a judiciary structure in India. These nine countries represent very different cultural groups with complex national histories, and varying degrees of influence from Western powers. Using select Asian nations as case studies of conflict resolution systems, this edited book examines the power of mediation and other cultural conflict resolution models as a tool for addressing conflicts and social justice.

Genocide--the deliberate destruction, usually through mass murder, of an ethnic, racial or religious group--is the ultimate crime against humanity. Drawing upon a wide variety of disciplines, this study assesses ways to prevent this crime. While most books about genocide focus on the history of a particular event, such as the Holocaust, or compare case studies to derive empirical theories, this book outlines many practical aspects of genocide prevention.

Heidenrich covers a broad spectrum of expert opinions, from Stanley Hoffmann to Henry Kissinger, as well as political opinions regarding genocide that range from Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton. Topics include international law, humanitarian intervention, early warning measures, and the effectiveness of such methods as diplomacy, economic pressure, and nonviolent resistance. Preventing genocide in a tense socio-political environment is no easy task, but such prevention is easier and more cost-effective than trying to put an end to genocide once it is already occurring.

This book explores the power of words in post-Peace El Salvador and Guatemala-their violent and equally liberating power. The volume explores the entire post-Peace Accords era in both Central American countries. In "post-conflict" settings, denying or forgetting the repressive past and its many victims does violence to those victims, while remembering and giving testimony about the past can be cathartic for survivors, relatives, and even for perpetrators. This project will appeal to readers interested in development, societies in transition, global peace studies, and Central American studies.

This book explores the gendered history of the Troubles, the rise of the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, and the role of community development as a new field in Northern Ireland. Nearly twenty years after the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement that ended the Troubles in Northern Ireland, tensions persist and society is still deeply divided. The book addresses the ways in which women navigate these tensions and contribute to peacebuilding through community development, described dismissively by many in Northern Ireland as the work of "wee women." Women navigate this gendered space to build peace strategically through "Wee Women's Work." The author focuses in particular on the Women's Sector and draws on feminist theory to examine the distinction between formal and informal politics.

This book follows an approach that combines the viewpoints of both the realists and the idealists in dealing with the issues of conflict and peace. The ideas, models, and peace processes it proposes take into consideration the imperatives of real life without abandoning the dreams of a more peaceful and just world. The shared homeland model, as developed here, provides hope that ethnic conflict can be resolved in a manner that satisfies a group's need for recognition and cultural particularism, as well as its need for economic development, security, and regional activity. The book also defines and integrates steps of political conflict resolution into one theory that produces one of the first textbooks on the subject.

This book provides a broad overview of what peace research is all about by an author who has been involved in the field for more than half a century. Among other things it gives a unique review of how peace research emerged in Sweden as the author was a key actor in the most crucial events during this formative period. The book also portrays how the discipline has grown from an initial focus on "alternatives to war" to the comprehensive study of the many dimensions of a "lasting and positive peace". The author's own work covers causes of war, sanctions, conflict resolution, conflict data, mediation, and quality peace. They demonstrate the range of topics that have to be understood for a peace with quality. This is exemplified by some of the author's writings specifically selected for this volume plus a few ones original to it. Some accounts of the author's involvements in actual peace processes in the 1990s are also included. This publication offers a substantial contribution to understanding the evolution of peace research as a field and is an important reading for scholars, policy makers, journalists, students and any aspiring peace researcher as well as for the public at large. * Peter Wallensteen is a global pioneer of peace research due to his involvement in the creation of the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University - a major center in the field. He served as Head of Department from 1972 to 1999. * Peter Wallensteen set up and directed the well-known Uppsala Conflict Data Program, UCDP, the global resource for the study of armed conflicts and peace negotiations, 1978-2015. * Peter Wallensteen was the first holder of the Dag Hammarskjoeld Chair in Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, 1985-2012. * He was also the first holder of the position as the Richard G. Starmann Sr. Research Professor of Peace Studies at the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA, 2006-2018.

Retaliation is associated with all forms of social and political organization, and retaliatory logics inform many different conflict resolution procedures from consensual settlement to compensation to violent escalations. This book derives a concept of retaliation from the overall notion of reciprocity, defining retaliation as the human disposition to strive for a reactive balancing of conflicts and injustices. On Retaliation presents a synthesized approach to both the violence-generating and violence-avoiding potentials of retaliation. Contributors to this volume touch upon the interaction between retaliation and violence, the state's monopoly on legitimate punishment and the factors of socio-political frameworks, religious interpretations and economic processes.

Cimbala shows why the prevention, management, and concluding of war all require an understanding of the subjective aspects of decision making as well as the hardware and tactics of military operations. A review of past cases of U.S. security policy decision making and a preview of some future problems are combined to distill important lessons about coping with conflict in the post-Cold War world.

These lessons include the awareness that some conflicts are unnecessarily provoked or prolonged on account of the gap between the perspectives and experiences of civilian policy makers and the views of the armed forces leadership. Another important lesson is that, in resolving or managing conflicts, perceptions, and expectations of leaders filter out alternatives that might have led to preferred solutions had they been attempted in good time. Of particular interest to policy makers, military professionals, and researchers involved with contemporary military issues.

This book investigates the forgotten years of Kurdish nationalism in Iran, from the fall of the Kurdish republic to the advent of the Iranian revolution. An original and path-breaking investigation of the period, it sheds light not only on the historical specificity of the phenomenon of nationalism in exile, but also on the political processes and practices defining the development of Kurdish nationalism in the post-revolutionary era. Although nationalist landmarks such as the Kurdish republic in 1946 and the resurgence of the movement in the revolutionary conjuncture of 1978-79 have attracted the attention of historians and social scientists in recent years, little is known about the three decades of Kurdish nationalism in exile between these two events. This analysis draws on contemporary poststructuralist theory to question the concept of the minority in democratic and constitutional theory, arguing that it is an effect of the discursive linkage between sovereign power and the dominant ethnic-linguistic identity in the nation-state. This text will appeal to a wide academic audience ranging from the fields of Kurdish, Iranian and Middle East Studies to ethnicity, nationalism, government, and political science.

This is the compelling story of a former Jesuit who traveled to Ireland in order to better understand the IRA, its widespread support among Irish Catholics, and the country's continuing civil unrest. Author Douglass McFerran, an American, made many key contacts in Northern Ireland, enabling him to gain unprecedented access to republican groups. He met with members of the Orange Lodge and the heavily armed Royal Ulster Constabulary; he had tea with leaders of Sinn Fein; and he participated in the annual Internment March on the streets of Belfast. In this book he provides a history of the conflict in Northern Ireland and goes beyond the propaganda on both sides to understand the causes of today's violence and explore what would be necessary to end it.

McFerran wrote this book at the suggestion of individuals within the Irish republican community. During its writing he had the cooperation of several Sinn Fein leaders and past and present members of the IRA. McFerran came to believe that the violent situation in Northern Ireland can best be explained by considering the manner in which the English government, through genocide and civil repression, attempted to eliminate Irish resistance to English rule. The failure of the Anglo-Irish War to achieve a united Irish government brought on a republican movement with a political expression in Sinn Fein and a military expression in the guerrilla activities of the Irish Republican Army. The continued failure of the English government to negotiate with Irish nationalists can be attributed to a desire to maintain the political support of predominantly Protestant unionists, who since 1913 have pledged armed resistance to any effort to allow a Catholic-led government to rule over them.

This book examines expectations for justice in transitional societies and how stakeholder expectations are ignored, marginalized and co-opted by institutions in the wake of conflict. Focusing on institutions that have adopted international criminal trials, the authors encourage us to ask not only whether expectations are appropriate to institutions, but whether institutions are appropriate expectations. Drawing upon a wide variety of sources, this volume demonstrates that a profound 'expectation gap' - the gap between anticipated and likely outcomes of justice - exists in transitional justice systems and processes. This 'expectation gap' requires that the justice goals of local communities be managed accordingly. In proposing a perspective of enhanced engagement, the authors argue for greater compromise in the expectations, goals and design of transitional justice. This book will constitute an important and valuable resource for students of scholars of transitional justice as well as practitioners, particularly with regards to the design of transitional justice responses.

This book examines the practice of transitional justice in the Solomon Islands from the period of the 'The Tensions' to the present. In late 1998, the Solomon Islands were plunged into a period of violent civil conflict precipitated by a complex web of grievances, injustices, ethnic tensions, and economic insecurities. This conflict dragged on until the middle of 2003, leaving an estimated 200 people dead and more than 20 000 displaced from their homes. In the time that has elapsed since the end of The Tensions, numerous-at times incompatible-approaches to transitional justice have been implemented in the Solomon Islands. The contributors to this volume examine how key global trends and debates about transitional justice were played out in the Solomon Islands, how its key mechanisms were adapted to meet the specific demands of post-conflict justice in this local context, and how well its practices and processes fulfilled their perceived functions.

War, nuclear weapons, and terrorism are all major threats to US security, but a new set of emerging threats are challenging the current threat response apparatus and our ability to come up with creative and effective solutions. This book considers new, 'non-traditional' security issues such as: transnational organized crime, immigration and border security, cybersecurity, countering violent extremism and terrorism, environmental and energy security, as well as the rise of external actors. The work examines the major challenges and trends in security and explores the policy responses of the U.S. government. By using international relations theory as an analytical approach, Fonseca and Rosen present how these security threats have evolved over time.

Bidisha Biswas explores the question of how a democratic state chooses between policies of coercion and accommodation when dealing with political violence by addressing an important, yet under examined, topic-India' approach to internal conflicts. In Managing Conflicts in India, Biswas selects three cases of conflict: the separatist campaign in Punjab during the 1980s; the protracted insurgency in Kashmir; and attacks on the Indian state by left-wing extremists, also known as Maoists and Naxalites, a campaign that has existed in different forms since the 1960s. Using archival research and fieldwork, Biswas shows that the Indian state has chosen a mix of tactics in dealing with these insurgencies. She argues that the government's responses have often been dictated by immediate political concerns, rather than a strategic vision. While the integrity of the Indian state remains intact, its democratic quality and credibility have been seriously compromised. By focusing on the choices-and missteps-that the Indian government has made, Biswas sheds light not only on the insurgencies themselves, but also on the overall processes that impact effective conflict management. For recent author events, follow these links: http://carnegieendowment.org/2014/06/16/managing-conflicts-in-india-policies-of-coercion-and-accommodation/hcui http://www.start.umd.edu/events/book-talk-managing-conflicts-india-policies-coercion-and-accommodation