This follow-up to "Clumsy Solutions for a Complex World" (Palgrave, 2006) seeks to understand why even well-intended efforts to resolve pressing international and global problems so often appear to fail spectacularly and what can be done to remedy this. The author analyzes four of the biggest global governance failures of the last few decades.

How can fair cooperation and a stable peace be reached in the international realm? Peace, Justice and International Order discusses this question in the light of John Rawls' The Law of Peoples, offers a new approach to Rawls' international theory and contributes to the discourse on international peace and justice.

This book, as the first exploration of suicide in Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS), illustrates the scarcity of suicide research in the discipline and argues that the leading cause of violent death worldwide is a multifaceted phenomenon that needs to be fully comprehended as a significant and often preventable form of world-wide violence. The author supplies a theoretical framework for assessing suicide as medical or instrumental, posits interdisciplinary complementarity and offers future lines of inquiry that challenge established notions of prevention. The book presents a PACS meta-theory termed 'encounter theory' and supplies a suicidal peacebuilding platform via relationship. This book questions why more PACS scholars aren't turning their attention to suicide when more people die by suicide than ethnic, religious or 'terroristic' violence combined.

How do memory and remembrance relate to the specific mode of transitional justice that lays emphasis on restoration? What is captured and what is obliterated in individual and collective efforts to come to terms with a violent past? Across this volume consisting of twelve in-depth contributions, the politics of memory in various countries are related to restorative justice under four headings: restoring trust, restoring truth, restoring land and restoring law. While the primary focus is a philosophical one, authors also engage in incisive analyses of historical, political and/or legal developments in their chosen countries. Examples of these include South Africa, Colombia, Rwanda, Israel and the land of Palestine, which they know all too well on a personal basis and from daily experience.

Horizontal inequalities are root causes of violent conflict in Africa. Yet, people take actions not because of statistical data on inequalities, of which they might not be aware, but because of injustices they perceive. This volume analyses the results of original surveys with over 3,000 respondents in African cities and towns, exposing clear discrepancies between objective inequalities and people's subjective perceptions. The contributors examine experiences in country pairs and probe into the reasons why neighbouring countries, sharing common historical traits, sometimes took contrasting pathways of peace and violent conflict. Combining quantitative analysis and qualitative anatomy of historical experiences of conflict and reconciliation in Rwanda, Burundi, Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya and Nigeria, the study brings forward a set of policy recommendations for development practitioners. This work further addresses the issue of institutional choice and reveals how sustainable power-sharing and decentralisation contribute to political stability in Africa.

This book is a guide for college students exploring career options who are interested in working to promote peacebuilding and the resolution of conflict. High school students, particularly those starting to consider college and careers, can also benefited from this book. A major feature of the book is 30 stories from young professionals, most recently graduated from college, who are working in the field. These profiles provide readers with insight as to strategies they might use to advance their peacebuilding careers. The book speaks directly to the Millennial generation, recognizing that launching a career is a major focus, and that careers in the peace field have not always been easy to identify. As such, the book takes the approach that most any career can be a peacebuilding career provided one is willing to apply creativity and passion to their work.

This study examines the African Union's peacekeeping role in managing African conflicts. Based on a qualitative research methodology, it analyses AU peace operations in Burundi and Somalia, and hybrid peacekeeping in Darfur, in order to identify the lessons learned and suggest how future outcomes may be improved.

This annotated bibliography concentrates on books dealing with an important category of literature for youths, that of war and peace. The number of books for young people on this subject is surprisingly large, yet it is often ignored. Though such books don't form the center of children's literature, they do represent an important portion of it, revealing to children vital truths about the human condition and how nobly humans can act under extreme hardship. The book includes a number of different types of works dealing with war and peace, e.g., allegories and parables, picture books, poetry, biographies, Revolutionary and Civil War books, tales of the Holocaust and Hiroshima, and stories dealing with pacifism. Each entry includes author, title, publishing data, and age level, as well as an annotation that assesses the entry's pertinence, quality, and value. In addition to this bibliography for youths, there is an annotated bibliography of materials for adults that covers how to discuss the subject of war and peace with young people. The volume is also extensively cross-referenced and indexed, providing access to authors, illustrators, and titles, subject entries such as warriors and pacifists, and categories of material such as parables or poetry. It will be an important reference work for teachers dealing with the subject of conflict and for courses in education and the social sciences, and a worthwhile addition to college, university, and public libraries.

This study argues, based on the author's firsthand experience with five United Nations peacekeeping missions, that classic peacekeepers in the Cold War era could play a limited but nonetheless useful role in international conflict control. However, in the post-Cold War period, some new approaches to peacekeeping and ventures into enforcement have been unsuccessful, and the United Nations has lost much credibility in the art of peacekeeping. In a violent world, peacekeeping will always play a minor supporting role to traditional diplomacy among the great powers and to coalition and alliance efforts to control conflict. The author's involvement in peacekeeping missions in Cyprus, Iran-Iraq, and other parts of the Middle East over the period from 1967 to 1990 gives him a rare and informed perspective on peacekeeping.

"An excellent analysis of the complex dynamics of inclusion in post-conflict societies: theoretically grounded, empirically rich, and with a well-informed set of policy-relevant insights and recommendations with implications far beyond the cases of Kosovo and Northern Ireland."Stefan Wolff, University of Birmingham, UK "Does the promotion of political accommodation between the contending parties in an ethno-nationalist conflict disadvantage other groups in society? This important question is at the heart of Michael Potter's nuanced study of post-settlement parliaments in Kosovo and Northern Ireland, in which he probes their record of representativeness, focusing on gender and ethnicity. His meticulous research, drawing on extensive fieldwork, shows that the domination of the parliaments by parties aligned to the conflict does indeed tend to marginalise other identities. His findings provide plenty of food for thought for practitioners in the field of conflict resolution. In particular, they underline the need for care in the design of institutional arrangements for deeply divided societies, so as to minimise potentially negative consequences that priority for accommodation and reconciliation may have for other issues and for the practice of inclusion."Adrian Guelke, Queen's University Belfast, UK "Identity is a central organising principle of politics in the 21st century. In this impressive book Michael Potter shows that a focus on gender and minority ethnic identities in newly-formed post-conflict assemblies provides a unique litmus test of the robustness of democratic politics. He analyses the cases of Kosovo and Northern Ireland with rigour and considerable insight. This book makes a highly original and lasting contribution to theory and practice in post-conflict settings world-wide."Yvonne Galligan, Dublin Institute of Technology, Ireland This book examines inclusion in post-conflict legislatures, using Northern Ireland and Kosovo as case studies and gender and minority ethnicity as indicators. The analysis uses an adapted framework developed by Yvonne Galligan and Sara Clavero to measure inclusion across a range of factors associated with deliberative democratic principles. The logic is that political systems designed to accommodate communities in conflict will prioritise certain identities over others. The aim of the book is to investigate how identities not directly associated with a conflict fare in a political system designed to manage identities in conflict. The book looks comparatively at the conflicts in Kosovo and Northern Ireland, then discusses approaches to conflict management, describing how political institutions were designed in those contexts. The themes of women and minority identities in those conflicts are then explored with a view to examining the extent of inclusion in the Northern Ireland and Kosovo Assemblies.

Contemporary theory of international politics faces a twofold problem: the critical engagement with legacies of national power politics in connection to 20th Century International Relations and the regeneration of notions of humanity. This book contributes to this engagement by a genealogy of thoughts on war, peace, and ethics.

This timely book examines how the South African National Defence Force has adapted to the country's new security, political and social environment since 1994. In South Africa's changed political state, how has civilian control of the military been implemented and what does this mean for 'defence in a democracy'? This book presents an overview of the security environment, how the mission focus of the military has changed and the implications for force procurement, force preparation, force employment and force sustainability. The author addresses other issues, such as: * the effect of integrating former revolutionary soldiers into a professional armed force * the effect of affirmative action on meritocracy, recruitment and retention * military veterans, looking at the difficulties they face in reintegrating back into society and finding gainful employment * gender equality and mainstreaming * the rise of military unions and why a confrontational, instead of a more corporatist approach to labour relations has emerged * HIV/AIDS and the consequences this holds for the military in terms of its operational effectiveness. In closing, the author highlights key events that have caused the SANDF to become 'lost in transition and transformation', spelling out some lessons learned. The conclusions she draws are pertinent for the future of defence, security and civil-military relations of countries around the world.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on bloomsburycollections.com. This book studies the processes which lead to explosion of civil strife and tries to spell out the policy options available to address the challenges faced by post-conflict economies. It calls for a more integrated policy approach which can gradually repair trust in public institutions as it addresses the vulnerabilities and grievances that helped start the process. Usually, such societies do not have the luxury of meeting the goals of security, reconciliation and development in a measured or sequenced manner: to avoid an immediate return to violence they must begin the recovery process on all fronts simultaneously.

Northern Ireland's Belfast Agreement has faced continual crises of implementation over a variety of security related issues. Too frequently analyses have neglected to study the wider changes that have occurred inside and outside Northern Ireland. These have had profound effects in changing attitudes towards violence, paramilitaries, the position of women and ideas of nationalism and sovereignty. This book places the implementation of the Belfast Agreement in a wider context to provide an analysis of why implementation has been so difficult.

A lively, first hand account of the ideas and activities of women and men in anti-war, anti-militarist and peace movements. The author looks at the tensions and divergences in and between organizations, and their potential for cohering into a powerful worldwide counter-hegemonic movement for violence reduction.

This book assesses the effectiveness of Nigeria's counterterrorist policies against Boko Haram. It takes a critical review of the interventionist strategies adopted by the Nigerian government, highlights the motivations behind the choice of strategies, and proffers a deeper understanding of the factors responsible for the state's inability, thus far, to rid the country of terrorism. Specifically, it evaluates the NACTEST policy framework that guides the Nigerian state's counterterrorist strategies, which contains both hard and soft power approaches. Adopting historical and case study approaches which put the Nigerian state and occurrences of violent conflict in context, it takes cognizance of the politics of ethno-religious diversity which reinforce violent conflicts among groups and against the state, and reviews the socio-economic and political realities that led to the emergence and sustenance of Boko Haram. The volume concludes by suggesting practical policy options for combating Boko Haram and other similar armed insurrection. This book is appropriate for researchers and students interested in African politics, conflict, security, peace studies, terrorism, and counterterrorism, as well as policy makers and government departments dealing with terrorism and counterterrorism.

This thought-provoking book explores the emerging construction of a customary law of peace in Latin America and the developing jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. It traces the evolution of peace as both an end and a means: from a negative form, i.e. the absence of violence, to a positive form that encompasses equality, non-discrimination and social justice, including gendered perspectives on peace. Cecilia M. Bailliet offers an overview of the normative and institutional development of peace in Latin America, before examining the heterogeneous iterations of peace within Latin American constitutions and the pluralistic views of current and former judges in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The book argues that these national variants should be in accordance with the American Convention on Human Rights and related instruments as a minimum framework, and should be interpreted in pursuit of the pro homine principle, in which the most favourable law is applied to benefit individuals regardless of its origin or status. It also presents an overview of the historic protest marches of 2019 and the phenomenon of oppressive peace tactics by the State. This book will be critical reading for scholars and students of peace studies, human rights, Latin American studies, gender studies, constitutional and international public law, and legal history. It will also be of interest for policy makers and peace practitioners both in Latin America and beyond.

During the Cold War ideological and politico-military rivalries mostly dictated the actions of the competing blocs, including their involvement in foreign conflicts. In Africa for instance, the East-West rivalry of the time not only fuelled conflicts but also appeared to undermine the use of diplomacy as a tool for peacemaking and conflict resolution. With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the demise of the Soviet Union however, there was a transformation of the conflict arena in the continent, which presented new opportunities and threats. This therefore raises a fundamental question of how the end of the Cold War has affected the character of conflicts and their successful management in Africa. Using Liberia and Somalia as case studies, Post-Cold War Conflicts in Africa analyses how the post Cold War conflicts in these two countries and their management differed from what they would have been during the Cold War era. It shows for instance that while in Liberia the major powers appeared content to cede the management of the conflict to the sub-regional group, ECOMOG, in Somalia, the conflict appeared to be turned into an arena for simple military experiment without any of the old Cold War ideological rivalries playing any role in its trajectory or management. The book argues that the end of the Cold War offers an opportunity for the successful use of a new approach to conflict management in the continent, which would be anchored on traditional African diplomacy. This new approach would involve a triumvirate of eminent men and women from the continent, regional peacekeeping forces, and the warring factions themselves working in concert to replace the rifle with 'talking till every one agrees' _______________________ Augustine C. Ohanwe holds a PhD in International Politics. He has researched extensively on Cold War conflicts in Angola, Ethiopia, Somalia and Nigeria as well as post-Cold War conflicts in Liberia and Somalia. His books include The UN and post-Cold War Conflicts in Africa, (Helsinki University Press, 2000) and the collection of poems, Petals of Rose, (2005, Kirja Kerrallan)

Corporate Security Responsibility? focuses on the role of private business in zones of conflict. The book contributes to closing the gap between research on Global Governance and Peace and Conflict Studies. It applies a systematic research design to the study of corporate governance contributions to peace and security across a number of cases.

This book offers an analysis of the origins of the crisis in Zimbabwe and why it has had such a profound impact on both the land issue and democratic politics in the Southern African region. The analysis contributes to the present debates around Mugabe, neo-imperialism and the stability in the region.

This book examines how gendered agency emerges in peacebuilding contexts. It develops a feminist critique of the international peacebuilding interventions, through a study of transitional justice policies and practices implemented in Bosnia & Herzegovina, and local activists' responses to official discourses surrounding them. Extending Nancy Fraser's tripartite model of justice to peacebuilding contexts, the book also advances notions of recognition, redistribution and representation as crucial components of gender-just peace. It argues that recognising women as victims and survivors of conflict, achieving a gender-equitable distribution of material and symbolic resources, and enabling women to participate as agents of transitional justice processes, are all essential for transforming the structural inequalities that enable gender violence and discrimination to materialise before, during, and after conflict. This study establishes a new avenue of analysis for understanding responses and resistances to international peacebuilding, by offering a sustained engagement with feminist social and political theory.

This book reveals the nature of Sino-US strategic competition by examining the influence exerted by major secondary stakeholders, e.g. Japan, Russia, India, the Koreas, and ASEAN, on the two powers, USA and its rival China, who consider each other as a source of greatest challenges to their respective interests. By adopting "strategic triangles" as the analytical framework and assessing triangular relational dynamics, such as US-China-Japan or US-China-Russia, the author illustrates how secondary stakeholders advance their own interests by exploiting their respective linkages to the two rivals, thereby, shaping Sino-US completive dynamics. This work adds a regional and multivariable perspective to the understanding of the Indo-Pacific's insecurity challenges.

Gardner explores the global ramifications of the NATO-Russian relationship. He argues that NATO enlargement into Central Europe risks the overextension of NATO's political consensus and could provoke Russia and other states that do not expect to become full members of the alliance. He concludes by proposing an alternative system of security for the region. Gardner explores the global ramifications of the NATO-Russian relationship. He examines NATO's Partnership for Peace initiative as it relates to Russia, and he argues that NATO risks provoking Russia and other states that do not expect to become full members of the alliance. He contends that if NATO and Russia cannot reach a compromise over a new system of security in Central and Eastern Europe, then Russia could adopt an increasingly assertive Eurasian stance by more closely aligning with potentially anti-Western states such as Belarus, China, India, Iraq, and Iran. Likewise, the possibility of a renewed division of Europe cannot be ruled out. Gardner asserts that it is absolutely necessary to draw Russia into a concerted relationship with the United States and the European Union. He concludes by formulating a viable system of cooperative-collective security for all Central and Eastern European states backed by conjoint NATO, European, and Russian security guarantees. This is a thoughtful and provocative analysis of great interest to policymakers and students of international relations and contemporary defense issues.

Using the case studies of Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Lebanon and Northern Ireland this book dissects internationally-supported peace interventions. Looking at issues of security, statebuilding, civil society and economic and constitutional reform, it proposes using the concept of hybridity to understand the dynamics of societies in transition.