|
|
Books > Humanities > History > European history > General
This Companion to the Abbey of Le Bec in the Central Middle Ages
(11th-13th Centuries) offers the first major collection of studies
dedicated to the medieval abbey of Le Bec, one of the most
important, and perhaps the single most influential, monastery in
the Anglo-Norman world. Following its foundation in 1034 by a
knight-turned-hermit called Herluin, Le Bec soon developed into a
religious, cultural and intellectual hub whose influence extended
throughout Normandy and beyond. The fourteen chapters gathered in
this Companion are written by internationally renowned experts of
Anglo-Norman studies, and together they address the history of this
important medieval institution in its many exciting facets. The
broad range of scholarly perspectives combined in this volume
includes historical and religious studies, prosopography and
biography, palaeography and codicology, studies of space and
identity, as well as theology and medicine. Contributors are
Richard Allen, Elma Brenner, Laura Cleaver, Jean-Herve Foulon,
Giles E.M. Gasper, Laura L. Gathagan, Veronique Gazeau, Leonie V.
Hicks, Elizabeth Kuhl, Benjamin Pohl, Julie Potter, Elisabeth van
Houts, Steven Vanderputten, Sally N. Vaughn, and Jenny Weston.
This book provides a holistic overview of the history of
sustainable development in Denmark over the last fifty years,
covering a host of issues central to the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs): ending poverty; ensuring inclusive and equitable
education; reducing inequality; making cities and settlements
inclusive, safe and resilient; and fostering responsible production
and consumption patterns, to name a few. It argues for a new
framework of sustainability history, one that is truly global in
outlook. As such, it explores what truly global sustainable
development would look like. It considers how economic growth has
been the driver for prosperity in the global north, and considers
whether sustainable development and continued economic growth are
irreconcilable, and what the future of sustainable development
initiatives in Denmark might look like.
This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which
commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out
and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and
impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes
high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using
print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in
1976.
During a television broadcast in 1959, US President Dwight D.
Eisenhower remarked that "people in the long run are going to do
more to promote peace than our governments. Indeed, I think that
people want peace so much that one of these days our governments
had better get out of the way and let them have it." At that very
moment international peace organizations were bypassing national
governments to create alternative institutions for the promotion of
world peace and mounting the first serious challenge to the
state-centered conduct of international relations. This study
explores the emerging politics of peace, both as an ideal and as a
pragmatic aspect of international relations, during the early cold
war. It traces the myriad ways in which a broad spectrum of people
involved in and affected by the cold war used, altered, and fought
over a seemingly universal concept. These dynamic interactions
involved three sets of global actors: cold war states, peace
advocacy groups, and anti-colonial liberationists. These
transnational networks challenged and eventually undermined the
cold war order. They did so not just with reference to the United
States, the Soviet Union, and Western Europe, but also by
addressing the violence of national liberation movements in the
Third World. As Petra Goedde shows in this work, deterritorializing
the cold war reveals the fractures that emerged within each cold
war camp, as activists both challenged their own governments over
the right path toward global peace and challenged each other over
the best strategy to achieve it. The Politics of Peace demonstrates
that the scientists, journalists, publishers, feminists, and
religious leaders who drove the international discourse on peace
after World War II laid the groundwork for the eventual political
transformation of the Cold War.
With the Treaty of Versailles, the Western nation-state powers
introduced into the East Central European region the principle of
national self-determination. This principle was buttressed by
frustrated native elites who regarded the establishment of their
respective nation-states as a welcome opportunity for their own
affirmation. They desired sovereignty but were prevented from
accomplishing it by their multiple dispossession. National elites
started to blame each other for this humiliating condition. The
successor states were dispossessed of power, territories, and
glory. The new nation-states were frustrated by their devastating
condition. The dispersed Jews were left without the imperial
protection. This embarrassing state gave rise to collective
(historical) and individual (fictional) narratives of
dispossession. This volume investigates their intended and
unintended interaction. Contributors are: Davor Beganovic, Vladimir
Biti, Zrinka Bozic-Blanusa, Marko Juvan, Bernarda Katusic, Natasa
Kovacevic, Petr Kucera, Aleksandar Mijatovic, Guido Snel, and Stijn
Vervaet.
Best known for the progressive school he founded in Dessau during
the 18th century, Johann Bernhard Basedow was a central thinker in
the German Enlightenment. Since his death in 1790 a substantial
body of German-language literature about his life, work, and school
(the Philanthropin) has developed. In the first English
intellectual biography of this influential figure, Robert B. Louden
answers questions that continue to surround Basedow and provides a
much-needed examination of Basedow's intellectual legacy. Assessing
the impact of his ideas and theories on subsequent educational
movements, Louden argues that Basedow is the unacknowledged father
of the progressive education movement. He unravels several
paradoxes surrounding the Philanthropin to help understand why it
was described by Immanuel Kant as "the greatest phenomenon which
has appeared in this century for the perfection of humanity",
despite its brief and stormy existence, its low enrollment and
insufficient funding. Among the many neglected stories Louden tells
is the enormous and unacknowledged debt that Kant owes to Basedow
in his philosophy of education, history, and religion. This is a
positive reassessment of Basedow and his difficult personality that
leads to a reevaluation of the originality of major figures as well
as a reconsideration of the significance of allegedly minor authors
who have been eclipsed by the politics of historiography. For
anyone looking to gain a deeper understanding of the history of
German philosophy, Louden's book is essential reading.
By examining theoretical debates about the nature of
nineteenth-century German opera and analyzing the genre's
development and its international dissemination, this book shows
German opera's entanglement with national identity formation. The
thorough study of German opera debates in the first half of the
nineteenth century highlights the esthetic and ideological
significance of this relatively neglected repertoire, and helps to
contextualize Richard Wagner's attempts to define German opera and
to gain a reputation as the German opera composer par excellence.
By interpreting Wagner's esthetic endeavors as a continuation of
previous campaigns for the emancipation of German opera, this book
adds an original and significant perspective to discussions about
Wagner's relation to German nationalism.
In the mid-1780s Bentham drafted his first sustained discussions of
political economy and public finance for Projet Matiere (itself
part of Projet d'un corps de loix complet). Those discussions are
now lost, but the corresponding marginal contents open this volume,
followed by three closely related appendices. The volume continues
with Defence of Usury, first published 1787, which was well
received, quickly translated, and established some reputation for
Bentham in political economy. In 1790, whilst preparing a second
edition, Bentham drafted the raft of additional materials included
here in five appendices. At the same time he began Manual of
Political Economy, an introductory handbook which he never
finished, while the surviving text appears here, supplemented by
seven appendices. In March 1793 Bentham reacted to press reports of
the Irish Budget by composing A Protest against Law Taxes, a
trenchant critique of the taxation of legal proceedings, and the
denial of justice to the poor, which was printed in 1793, published
in 1795, and extended in 1816, and which completes the volume.
Motivated by a theology that declared missionary work was
independent of secular colonial pursuits, Protestant missionaries
from Germany operated in ways that contradict current and
prevailing interpretations of nineteenth-century missionary work.
As a result of their travels, these missionaries contributed to
Germany's colonial culture. Because of their theology of Christian
universalism, they worked against the bigoted racialism and
ultra-nationalism of secular German empire-building. Heavenly
Fatherland provides a detailed political and cultural analysis of
missionaries, mission societies, mission intellectuals, and
missionary supporters. Combining case studies from East Africa with
studies of the metropole, this book demonstrates that missionaries'
ideas about race and colonialism influenced ordinary Germans'
experience of globalization and colonialism at the same time that
the missionaries shaped colonial governance. By bringing together
religious and colonial history, the book opens new avenues of
inquiry into Christian participation in colonialism. During the Age
of Empire, German missionaries promoted an internationalist vision
of the modern world that aimed to create a multinational,
multiracial "heavenly Fatherland" spread across the globe.
Few historical figures have been more important in modeling the
ideal of impartial critical scholarship than Erasmus of Rotterdam
(1469-1536). Yet his critical scholarship, though beholden to no
one, was not dispassionate. James Tracy shows how Erasmus the
scholar sought through his writings to promote the moral and
religious renewal of Christian society. Tracy finds the genesis of
the humanist's notion of a "Christian republic" of pious and
learned individuals in his "Burgundian," or Low Countries, roots.
Erasmus's vision of reform, Tracy argues, sprung from a humanist
tradition focusing on the importance of teaching (doctrina), a
tradition from which Erasmus departed in his optimism about human
nature and his deep suspicion of the powers that be. Amid the
storms of Reformation controversy, he pruned back the
"dissimulation" by which he had thought to convey different
meanings to different readers, yet in the end he could not control
the way his words were read. If Erasmus's scholarly ideal carries
an enduring fascination, so too does his dilemma as a man of
circumspection who would also be a reformer. This title is part of
UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of
California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest
minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist
dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed
scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology.
This title was originally published in 1966.
|
|