The Manchurian "Incident" of 1931 led to a Japanese occupation, the birth of Manchoukuo and the withdrawal of Japan from the League of Nations. At the time it seemed as if the army and navy were exerting a supreme influence. This volume points out that this influence is not new and that there are strong reasons for its existence and continuance. It shows how it is fostered by the peculiar political structure of the country, and how, though often unintelligible to Europeans, it may be understood and accounted for in the light of the historical and political background of Japan.

This volume examines the issues surrounding the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Alliance and looks at the possible consequences of different courses of action, against a backdrop of a Far Eastern situation under constant change. In spite of claims of impartiality, this volume represents widely-held views of the day that "the future supremacy of the white races is endangered" and the author claims to have remained as objective as possible, despite "being a member of the Western family of nations against whom the new Japanese peril may come to be directed."

This volume chronicles the facts concerning the relations between the Netherlands in Asia and Japan during the last two years before the outbreak of war in the Pacific and concentrates on political and economic affairs.

This volume draws together material from The Japan Chronicle, The Japan Gazette and the China Treaty Port foreign papers, all of which are of great historical value. The Japan and China Treaty Port foreign papers frequently contain important articles translated from the vernacular press. These original articles were often written by leading politicians and statesmen - Count Mutsu, Count Hayashi, Tang-shao-Yi, Wu-ting-Fang and Liang-chi-Chao were all prolific contributors. Written with the prospect of World War II looming, the rapid changes in the Far East happened almost without the West realising. This volume makes available key documents and analyses Japanese foreign policy with a view to directing UK handling of a delicate diplomatic situation in the Far East.

Japan's economic success since the 1950s created a range of serious domestic and international problems which threaten the stability of the country. Within Japan at the start of the 1980s there was a strong mood on the right for remilitarization to give the nation the super-power status her economic performance justified. Outside Japan, there was increasing pressure from the West to make her conform to Western strategic interests. Against the background of these crucial issues the book analyzes the economic, political and military options open to Japan. Focussing on the interconnecting themes of foreign harassment and domestic economic disorder, the author points out many areas of similarity between Japan of the 1930s and Japan of the 1980s.

Gulf stability is coming to play a larger role in the foreign policy calculus of many states, but the evolving role of Asian powers is largely under-represented in the International Relations literature. This volume addresses this gap with a set of empirically rich, theory driven case studies written by academics from or based in the countries in question. The underlying assumption is not that Asian powers have already become important security actors in the Gulf, but rather that they perceive the Gulf as a region of increasing strategic relevance. How will leaders in these countries adjust to an evolving regional framework? Will there be coordinated efforts to establish an Asian-centered approach to Gulf stability, or will Asian rivalries make the region a theater of competition? Will US-China tensions force alignment choices among Asian powers? Will Asian states balance, bandwagon, hedge, or adopt some other approach to their Gulf relationships? These questions become even more important as the western boundaries of Asia increasingly come to incorporate the Middle East. The book will appeal to scholars and students in the fields of International Relations, Security Studies, and International Political Economy, as well as area specialists on the Gulf and those working on foreign policy issues on each of the Asian countries included. Professionals in government and non-government agencies will also find it very useful. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

First published in 1989, Chernobyl: The Long Shadow offers a balanced review of what happened there, why and how it happened, and what the main lessons and implications of the accident are.

It looks back on events during and after the disaster, in particular reviewing how it and the radiation fallout were dealt with in different countries and looks forward to how the incident might affect the nuclear power industry around the world. The book explores the significance of the accident within the Soviet Union, considers its impact on public confidence in nuclear power, and reviews what improvements are necessary in emergency planning throughout the rest of the world.

It is written from an inter-disciplinary perspective; based on detailedscienctific research, which is described in non-specialist terms, it considers themes like attitudes to nuclear power and political reaction to the accident itself. It sets the Chernobyl accident into a proper context.

Chernobyl: The Long Shadow will appeal to students and teachers of geography, environmental science, international politics, nuclear physics, and to anyone interested in current affairs and environmental problems.

The recent debate about biopolitics in International Relations (IR) theory may well prove to be one of the most provocative and rewarding engagements with the concept of power in the history of the discipline. Building on Foucault's arguments concerning the role played by the concept of security in 19th-century liberal government, numerous IR scholars are now arguing for the relevance of his theories of biopolitics and governmentality for understanding the Global War on Terror (GWOT) and broader issues of security and governance in the post 9/11 world.

Conversely, others have criticized this idea. Marxist and Communitarian scholars have challenged the notion that the category of biopolitics can be 'scaled' up to the level of international relations with any analytical precision. This edited volume covers these debates in IR with a series of critical engagements with Foucault's own thought and its increasing relevance for understanding international relations in the post 9/11 world.

This book was based on a special issue of Global Society.

This book examines Gulf Security in a holistic way seeing past the narrow military aspect and also trying to debunk the conventional narratives propagated by regional and external actors. In particular, the emphasis is be on the historical legacy of Gulf security and the fundamental domestic and international vulnerabilities of the various states in the region. This approach proves important in light of the recent efforts by Gulf states to recast their position in the international arena trying to peddle an image of self-assertiveness and autonomy in the security sphere. These new diplomatic stances do not seem to be borne out by their current security policies that are marked by apparent continuity with past practices. In particular, the new Gulf-Asia nexus and the claims by Gulf monarchies that regional confidence building measures are appearing on the horizon are placed under critical scrutiny. This is done by a sobering examination of the balance of threat in the region, the historical amity/enmity patterns and the evolving American stance. A shorter, modified version of this book was previously published as a special issue of the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies.

While globalization unifies the world, divisions re-emerge within it in the form of a spectacular separation between Islam and the West. How can it be that Huntington's contested idea of a clash of civilizations became such a powerful political myth through which so many people look at the world?

Bottici and Challand disentangle such a process of myth-making both in the West and in Muslim majority countries, and call for a renewed critical attitude towards it. By analysing a process of elaboration of this myth that took place in academic books, arts and media, comics and Hollywood films, they show that the clash of civilizations has become a cognitive scheme through which people look at the world, a practical image on the basis of which they act on it, as well as a drama which mobilizes passions and emotions.

Written in a concise and accessible way, this book is a timely and valuable contribution to the academic literature, and more generally, to the public debate. As such, it will be an important reference for scholars and students of political science, sociology, philosophy, cultural studies, Middle Eastern politics and Islam.

This study describes the British government's policy towards China during the first phases of the undeclared Sino-Japanese war, starting in July 1937 when the conflict in North China culminated in all-out hostilities; and ending in September 1939 when the outbreak of the war over Poland forced the British government to turn almost all its attention to Europe. The dilemmas confronting British policy-makers in the Far East are analysed together with the implementation of their subsequent solutions. Attention is focused on the question of British interests in China and on the decisive factors and considerations which determined British policy and Britain's role in the Sino-Japanese war. Questions concerning the safety of the British subjects and the commercial community in China and their influence on the decision making process, the attitude towards Soviet influence in China and prospects of Communist take-over are also discussed. In the final analysis the book examines the widely debated subject of appeasement in its Asian context. It is argued that Britain pursued a policy towards Japan which gained strength without producing a Far Eastern Munich

The Sino-Japanese crisis of 1931-33 provides effective illustrations of wider themes in British Foreign Policy. It might even be said that the general pattern of opinion in the UK at the time was to be reproduced in subsequent crises. The Manchurian problem and the controversies which it provoked give invaluable clues to an understanding of later developments.

The South Caucasus has traditionally been a playground of contesting empires. This region, on the edge of Europe, is associated in Western minds with ethnic conflict and geopolitical struggles in August 2008. Yet, another war broke out in this distant European periphery as Russia and Georgia clashed over the secessionist territory of South Ossetia. The war had global ramifications culminating in deepening tensions between Russia on the one hand, and Europe and the USA on the other. Speculation on the causes and consequences of the war focused on Great Power rivalries and a new Great Game, on oil pipeline routes, and Russian imperial aspirations.

This book takes a different tack which focuses on the domestic roots of the August 2008 war. Collectively the authors in this volume present a new multidimensional context for the war. They analyse historical relations between national minorities in the region, look at the link between democratic development, state-building, and war, and explore the role of leadership and public opinion. Digging beneath often simplistic geopolitical explanations, the authors give the national minorities and Georgians themselves, the voice that is often forgotten by Western analysts.

This book was based on a special issue of Central Asian Survey.

The Persian Gulf, important because of its vast energy resources, emerged into the limelight of geopolitics at the time of the British Labour government's policy of withdrawal from East of Suez in 1968. Before 1968 it had been recognised that the Gulf lay in the legitimate sphere of influence of Britain, while the United States exerted its influence in the two pivotal littoral states of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The Soviets had been gaining influence in Iraq ever since the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958 and the Chinese were also fishing for influence by their support of the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Arabian Gulf. This book examines the political axes of the various super-powers with Iran and the Persian Gulf and discusses the implications of these problems for the issue of security in the region.

Relations between the USSR and Iran during the period from the overthrow of the Shah and the establishment of the Islamic Republic up to early 1983 are reviewed in this book. It begins with a brief survey of Russian-Persian relations in earlier years, with a focus on the developments that served as a background to the current events. It examines Soviet attitudes and reactions to Iran's foreign and internal policy and highlights the way in which the Soviets often raise events of which they do not approve in order to draw Iran closer to them. In particular, the book discusses the Soviet response to the Iran-Iraq war and the position of the Tudeh Party and the other leftists within Iran. Iran's policy towards the USSR is treated at length and it is shown that it is suspicious of a tacit USA-USSR agreement over the fate of Iran. Khomeini's attempts to isolate Iran from both East and West are also reviewed. This book was one of the first to discuss this crucial dimension in Middle East politics and it makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the forces driving the Iranian Revolution.

In this book experts examine the main features of Iran's foreign policy from 1980 ? 1990, assessing relations with the UN, the superpowers, Europe, the GCC and Iraq. Although the Islamic revolution made Iran a significant force in the international arena, it is argued that the ending of the Cold War and the rise of Iraq as the dominant power in the Gulf are now creating a very different set of foreign policy challenges and options.

In the first years of the Soviet regime there was little, if any, Soviet interest in Arabia and the Persian Gulf. Over the last fifty years relations between Russia and this part of the world have become more complex; this book traces their intricate history in a full analysis of Soviet policy towards the Arabian Peninsula.
It opens with a review of events from the beginning of the Soviet regime until 1975. The author goes on to consider the period between 1975 and 1978, concentrating especially on Soviet relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and South Yemen. The impact of the rise of the Ayatollah Khomeini 's Islamic Republic in 1979 is examined in detail, with the emphasis on the situation in Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and both North and South Yemen. Finally the author examines the effect on Soviet policy of the Iran-Iraq war and the subsequent insecurity in the Gulf region.
This study is based on mainly primary sources of Soviet, Arab, Iranian and Western origins.

In a relatively short period of time, the study of China 's international relations has gone from being a topic that interested a fairly small group of scholars and analysts to one that is close to if not actually at the centre of academic and policy agendas. Moreover, it is not just the importance of these relations that have changed, but also their type and scale. China 's relations with the USA and questions of great power politics may continue to dominate, with relations with the rest of Asia coming a close second; but economic interactions, and their political consequences, with countries in Latin America, the Middle East and Africa are also becoming increasingly important, and have implications far beyond the price and distribution of key commodities.
Following an introductory overview of the nature of China 's international relations and diplomacy, this handbook is divided into three main sections:
Part I: Ideas and Interests changes in theoretical thinking on international relations in China; how ideas are transmitted into the policy-making community; the role of public opinion.
Part II: Issues major concerns and objectives that shape China 's international relations; historical legacies; sovereignty; energy; human rights; peace-keeping and international responsibility; military modernization.
Part III: Relations case studies of relations with the USA, Japan, East Asia, Europe, the Shanghai Co-operation Organization, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, South Asia and Australasia.
For some, China 's rise suggests an inexorable momentum towards instability and conflict. Conversely, others (including most of the authors in this handbook) point to the steps China has taken to conform to existing norms and expectations of great power responsibility. In spite of these disagreements, there seems to be a growing consensus that how China defines and pursues its national interests will become the key determinant of how the global system evolves in the future.
The editor, Shaun Breslin, is Professor of Politics and International Studies at the University of Warwick.
He has published books on comparative politics, Mao Zedong, centre-local relations in China and, most recently, China and the global political economy.

Russian-European political relations have always been problematic and one of the main reasons for this is the different perspectives on even the very basic notions and concepts of political life. With a worldwide recession, the problems as well as the opportunities in Russian-European relations are magnified. While most works on Russian-European, Russian-American and Russian-West relations focus on current policies and explain them from a standard set of explanatory variables, this book penetrates deeper into the structural and ideational differences that tend to bring about misperceptions, miscalculations, misinterpretations and misdeeds in this two-directional relationship. It applies a very broad conceptual framework to analyse differences that are as relevant for Europe and the EU as it is to Russiaa (TM)s immediate neighbours and, while doing so, identifies the key factors that will dominate Russia-EU ties in the next decade.

International relations is a broad and ever-expanding field, covering all sorts of social practices that cross borders. This discussion will provide an in-depth introduction to a number of topics. To begin, though, it is important to lay out the major analytical approaches that have come to define the discipline of international relations. One of the earliest lessons within the discipline was that the way one looks at things, the theoretical lens one employs to analyse phenomena, determines much of what one sees. The world is a complex place, and it is impossible to understand and discuss it is in its totality -- any analysis necessarily requires some sort of simplification and abstraction to make sense of things. Theories are one way to do this, each privileging certain things.

This book rethinks security theory from a feminist perspective -- uniquely, it engages feminism, security, and strategic studies to provide a distinct feminist approach to Security Studies. The volume explicitly works toward an opening up of security studies that would allow for feminist (and other) narratives to be recognized and taken seriously as security narratives. To make this possible, it presents a feminist reading of security studies that aims to invigorate the debate and radicalize critical security studies. Since feminism is a political project, and security studies are, at their base, about particular visions of the political and their attendant institutions, this is of necessity a political intervention. The book works through and beyond security studies to explore possible spaces where an opening of security, necessary to make way for feminist insights, can take place. While it develops and illustrates a feminist narrative approach to security, it is also intended as an intervention that challenges the politics of security and the meanings for security legitimized in existing practices. This book provides develops a comprehensive framework for the emerging field of feminist security studies and will be of great interest to students and scholars of feminist IR, critical security studies, gender studies and IR and security studies in general.

The problems of a troubled world economy and the essentially political issues of how it should be managed make up the stuff of international political economy. The overwhelming importance of these questions has drawn ever increasing numbers of students and teachers in universities, colleges and schools to study the subject. There are many paths into international political economy for them to follow and this volume, originally published in 1984, discusses most of them.

The collection as a whole demonstrates that the field should be seen as the exclusive preserve of neither the economists nor the political scientists. On the contrary, there is much to learn from specialists - and practical people in government and business - with a variety of backgrounds. A rich selection is therefore offered, including history, population studies, money, trade, technology and law, from which the reader can pick and choose at will. The contributions point to the landmarks of the subject and provide useful tips on the best books to read and the most interesting ideas to look out for.

This book examines the nature and implications of the increasing interaction among three secondary powers in the world: China, Russia and India. It provides an in-depth analysis of the complex and often contradictory goals underlying their emerging strategic partnerships along with an assessment of the role these partnerships play in the larger regional and global contexts. In particular, it focuses on the important region of Asia/Eurasia, where these countries seek to increase their influence and compete against the prominence of the United States.

Breaking new ground in looking at the ways in which the triad of bilateral strategic partnerships affect the countries? individual aspirations for power, status and wealth, this book argues that their attempt to develop codified, formal bilateral partnerships and trilateral ties that seek to neither antagonise nor fully embrace each other is both a challenge to peace and security and an opportunity for cooperation. It concludes by suggesting scenarios under which competitive or cooperative economic and security orders may emerge.

Clearly written and thoroughly accessible, this book will be an informative text for courses on international relations, international security, foreign policy and Asian and Russian politics.

Critically but sympathetically interrogating Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben's analysis of the logic of sovereign power, this volume draws attention to the multiple zones of exclusion in and through which contemporary international politics constitutes itself.

Beginning from the margins and peripheries of world politics, this book emphasises the colonial processes through which contemporary "third world" spaces of exception have been shaped and particular bodies made susceptible to the conditions of "bare life." The authors contend that these bodies inhabit a variety of spaces or "zones of indistinction" that include political detainees, refugees, asylum-seekers, poor migrants, sweatshop workers, and unassimilated indigenous populations. These are the "expendable bodies" that the territorial and market-driven logic of current international relations simultaneously produces, polices and excludes. Focussing on the locally and socio-historically specific ways that sovereign power works, the individual chapters provide the volume with a wide geographical reach. Drawing on diverse approaches, this text constitutes an important intervention in critical international relations, providing grounded theory and sophisticated analyses of how contemporary international relations works through the production of ?exceptions?.

Bringing together a range of internationally-renowned scholars, International Relations and States of Exception will be of vital interest to students and scholars of International Relations, Critical Theory and Postcolonial Studies.