This book is a comprehensive analysis of the relevance of international law to the conduct of international relations and foreign policy. Written by a distinguished international lawyer and academic with over 35 years of experience, this book contains a systematic treatment of both fields of study. This work serves as an introduction to contemporary theories of international relations and as a primer on international law especially for the non-lawyer. Focusing on contemporary problems of terrorism, nuclear non-proliferation, war and peace, economic development, protection of the global environment, reform of the United Nations, democracy and protection of human rights, this work develops the thesis that international law is a neglected tool of foreign policy that can be used to address many of today's difficult and unresolved problems. It concludes by advocating a 'new global order' in the form of the rule of law and multilateral solidarity in addressing world problems.

International migration has become a major domestic political issue in many countries and a major topic of international debate. Thus far, most of the attention has centered on the plight of refugees or on ways to curb the flow of illegal immigrants. As more and more migrants cross interstate boundaries, however, governments are realizing that immigration and asylum problems cannot be separated from broader socio-economic and political issues; nor can they be resolved by countries acting unilaterally. Even with this understanding, attempts to develop multilateral strategies to ease international tensions arising from uncontrolled migration will be complicated by economic disparities, regional political tensions, and mounting population and ecological pressures. Internal migration, particularly in terms of forced resettlement and urbanization, also gives rise to a myriad of problems relating to aspects of security. The increase in other major population movements, such as tourism and business travel, also has implications for security. Until recently, the question "what is security?" was rarely asked in the context of these developments. This was because there was a perceived consensus on what the nature of security was. The nature of security was held to mean national, political, and military security. Thus security was virtually synonymous with "defense." The theoretical claim of this volume is that these developments are necessitating a redefinition of security. This volume provides major theoretical analyses of these trends as well as in-depth case studies that explore specific developments of major concern to scholars and other researchers involved with international relations, migration, and development issues.

Through the examination of different themes and subjects the book provides an in depth analysis of the concept of deterrence and its utility in dealing effectively with current threats. Although the concept of deterrence precedes the Cold War, in modern times and in its traditional form deterrence is seen as the product of the Cold War, which transformed 'narrow' deterrence approaches into widespread orthodoxy. Increasingly however emerging threats and challenges call into question the traditional concept of deterrence. There are many elements that challenge the concept of deterrence and its effectiveness. For instance it is not just that the concept can be ambiguous and broad, but also there have to be a number of conditions for it to be successfully implemented. This collection contributes to a growing field of research in a relatively under-studied area of interrogating the concept of deterrence itself through a multi-disciplinary approach. Through the use of primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews, this book covers a wide range of disciplinary approaches on deterrence and the contributors cover a broad array of subjects. The research assembled here focuses on deterring extremism, conflict resolution and diplomacy, investigating technological developments, effects of globalisation, social movements, economics, the relationship of resilience to effective deterrence, and the associated complexity of contemporary interdependencies to create a contextualised concept of modern deterrence. Social science and historical methodologies are utilized to gain a comprehensive cross-section of analysis that will reveal the strengths and weaknesses of the use of deterrence as a national security strategy, as well as highlighting the various types of power available for use by the state to create multi-faceted deterrence in order to deal effectively and efficiently with complex emerging challenges.

No modern U.S. president inherited a stronger, safer international position than Bill Clinton. In 1992, the Cold War was over, and the nation was at peace and focused on domestic issues. Despite this temporary tranquility, Clinton would soon be faced with a barrage of crises, including flare-ups of unrest in the Middle East, ethnic conflict in Yugoslavia, uneasy relations with Japan and China, persistent trouble in the Persian Gulf, the dissolution of the USSR, and disastrous situations in Somalia and Haiti.

In this comprehensive and balanced examination of Clinton's foreign policy--the first such book to cover all the global focal points of his administration to date--William G. Hyland brilliantly shows the effects of combining this confusion with Clinton's unique personality characteristics. His first term was marked, in the author's analysis, by murky policy, unrealistic goals, and the mishandling of several crises. By the end of that term he learned some hard lessons, was able to alter his pattern of response, and reversed himself on some major aspects of foreign policy--all to benefit, in the author's view, the country and the world as a whole.

This book examines the relations between Nigeria and South Africa and their implications for regional influence across the African continent. With the largest and third largest economies in the region and a historical status as the major peacemakers on the continent, it is often argued that Africa's fate is directly linked to the success or failure of these regional powers. While there is widespread reference to each state's capabilities and regional influence in the extant literature, little analysis is offered on relations between Nigeria and South Africa and their impact on regional governance and provision of public goods on the continent. This book attempts to fill the gap by engaging issues such as the hegemonic competence of the states, their credentials for a permanent seat at the UNSC, their efforts towards regional integration, and their efforts towards combating the dark side of globalization including climate change, drug trafficking and xenophobia. It also engages a gender perspective to these states' relations as well as their experiences of transitional justice. Providing an in-depth comparative analysis of the two so called African powerhouses, this volume will be of interest to policy-makers, academics and students interested in Nigeria and South Africa's foreign policy, regional powerhood, and the African peace, security, and development agenda.

This book is the result of recent research by contemporary scientists on topics which were discussed at the conference of the same name in Volgograd, Russia in April 2017. The global economic system is currently in a stage of active formation and development: its boundaries and conditions of existence are constantly changing, which is accompanied by crises that influence the economic systems of its member countries. In order to solve problems emanating from global economic crises, a new direction was formed in modern science - global crisis management. Development of this direction requires the formation of the accompanying categorical apparatus, the development of a corresponding scientific and methodological basis, and the engagement in extensive practical research.

This comprehensive collection of carefully edited documents-speeches, treaties, statements, and articles-traces the rise and fall of the Cold War. The sources follow the Cold War from its roots in East-West tensions at the end of World War II to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Set in historical context by the editors' concise introductions and followed by thoughtful discussion questions, the documents are arranged in chronological order, starting with the Yalta Conference and ending with Gorbachev's resignation speech. Drawing on selections from a variety of countries and leaders involved in this prolonged global struggle, the editors treat the entire Cold War as an era in world history, not just U.S. history. Their judicious selection makes the great events of the time come alive through the words and phrases of those who were actively involved.

The Caspian Sea region is rich in oil and natural gas and can potentially become a major energy supplier. Despite the interest of the three Caspian countries of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, their energy resources have remained mainly undeveloped a decade after their independence. The main factor that has prevented the full development of the Caspian energy resources has been the difficulty of selecting long-term safe, reliable, and economically viable export routes. The three landlocked Caspian countries have no choice but to depend on their neighbors to access international waters for their exports. For many reasons, including internal stability and extensive oil facilities and pipelines, Iran offers the most suitable routes to all three Caspian countries. However, despite the interest of the Caspian energy-exporters, in using this route, the U.S. policy of containment of Iran has prevented them from doing so. For political, economic, and security reasons, the existing in-use Georgian and Russian routes cannot and will not be a long-term solution for energy exports. The insistence of the American government on imposing the expensive and unreliable Turkish route on the reluctant Caspian energy-exporters and its categorical rejection of the Iranian route have created a major obstacle to the development of the Caspian energy industries.

As Peimani suggests, if this policy continues, many oil and gas exporters will opt for the Iranian route without regard to existing U.S. punitive legislation. The results could well be the isolation of the U.S. in the Caspian region and a gradual exclusion of American oil companies from the region. This overview will be of interest to scholars, researchers, and policymakers involved with economic and political issues of the region.

This first volume of EtYIL focuses on issues concerning the developing world in general and (the Horn of) Africa - and Ethiopia - specifically. It argues that rebalancing the international law narrative to reflect Africa's legitimate interests is an urgent priority, and can only succeed through the fair representation of African countries in the creation and interpretation of international law.The book begins by reflecting on the ICJ's West African Cases and provides a unique perspective on decolonisation as a source of jus cogens and obligations erga omnes. This is followed by a comprehensive analysis of the reception of international law in the Ethiopian legal system, and of the potential implications of Ethiopia joining the WTO. The book then delves into such topical issues as the relationship between competition for natural resources and international investment law, the UN Global Goals and the fledgling international climate change regime, with particular emphasis on the Paris Climate Agreement and their implications for developing countries. Further issues include the Declaration of Principles on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam signed by Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt in light of Nile colonial treaties and contemporary international watercourses law, as well as selected legal implications of the armed conflict in South Sudan. Gathering high-quality scholarship from diverse researchers, and examining a constellation of critical international law issues affecting developing countries, especially African countries, the book offers a unique resource.

When states are threatened by war and terrorism, can we really expect them to abide by human rights and humanitarian law? David P. Forsythe's bold analysis of US policies towards terror suspects after 9/11 addresses this issue directly. Covering moral, political, and legal aspects, he examines the abuse of enemy detainees at the hands of the United States. At the center of the debate is the Bush Administration, which Forsythe argues displayed disdain for international law, in contrast to the general public's support for humanitarian affairs. Forsythe explores the similarities and differences between Presidents Obama and Bush on the question of prisoner treatment in an age of terrorism and asks how the Administration should proceed. The book traces the Pentagon's and CIA's records in mistreating prisoners, providing an account which will be of interest to all those who value human rights and humanitarian law.

One of the greatest figures in modern international law, James Brown Scott 1866-1943] intended to publish an autobiography titled Adventures in Internationalism. He wrote a few paragraphs for this book, but he never completed it. He decided instead to entrust his life's story to George A. Finch, a protege and friend. Finch began work on a biography with Scott's participation in the late 1930s, but he never completed it. Using Finch's manuscripts and notes Butler has produced a compelling study of Scott's key role in the international law movement, participation in several important diplomatic conferences and work as an author, secretary of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and guiding force behind the American Society of International Law. " Scott] fathered and fostered the development of international law during the greatest period of its history." --Manley O. Hudson, Harvard Alumni Bulletin XXXIII No. 14 (1 January 1931) 419. George A. Finch 1884-1957] was James Brown Scott's assistant and literary executor. He served as assistant director of the Division of International Law at the Carnegie Endowment, and, upon Dr. Scott's retirement, became that division's secretary and director. He was president of the Inter-American Academy of International and Comparative Law and held several positions at the American Society of International Law. At the time of his death he was honorary vice-president of the society and the honorary editor of its journal. He was the author of The Sources of Modern International Law (1937). William E. Butler is the John Edward Fowler Distinguished Professor of Law at Penn State University's Dickinson School of Law. He is the preeminent authority on the law of Russia and other former Soviet republics and the author, co-author, editor, or translator of more than 120 books on Soviet, Russian, Ukrainian and other Commonwealth of Independent States legal systems. Professor Emeritus of Comparative Law at the University of London, Professor Butler is the founder and director of The Vinogradoff Institute, which operates as a unit of Penn State Dickinson. The recipient of numerous honors for his service to Russian and international law, Professor Butler is an Academician of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences and is serving his third term as a member of the Russian International Court of Commercial Arbitration.

In 1950 the British government accorded diplomatic recognition to the newly founded People's Republic of China. But it took 22 years for Britain to establish full diplomatic relations with China. How far was Britain's China policy a failure until 1972? This book argues that Britain and China were involved in the 'everyday Cold War', or a continuous process of contestation and cooperation that allowed them to 'normalize' their confrontation in the absence of full diplomatic relations. From Vietnam and Taiwan to the mainland and Hong Kong, China's 'everyday Cold War' against Britain was marked by diplomatic ritual, propaganda rhetoric and symbolic gestures. Rather than pursuing a failed policy of 'appeasement', British decision-makers and diplomats regarded engagement or negotiation with China as the best way of fighting the 'everyday Cold War'. Based on extensive British and Chinese archival sources, this book examines not only the high politics of Anglo-Chinese relations, but also how the British diplomats experienced the Cold War at the local level.

This book examines the foundations of China's grand strategy as it is critical to any assessment of current and future Chinese regional and global strategic behavior, especially Beijing's policies toward the USA. This eclectic study aims to analyze the current Chinese and American flexible grand strategies, based on present complexity and disorder. It identifies the major building blocks of both strategies, their major material, and ideational drivers and assesses how they might evolve in the future. Additionally, the author looks at China's relations with important international players such as Russia, ASEAN, UN, EU, and BRICS.

The report was written by senior scholars of international studies and Indian Ocean studies and focuses on international relations in the Indian Ocean region and covers many aspects of OBOR policy and South Asia. The report includes both a strategic review and major events, as well as related data in this region. This book also includes the origin, the aims, frameworks, the regional and global impact of India's new development under the Modi administration. The book includes the authors from 5 different institutes in China which provide readers with a full and authentic picture of India's most recent development. This year's Annual Report is the fourth of this kind and the only one which covers exclusively the Indian Ocean region in China.

This rich collection of essays explores the dramatic political, economic, and social transformations in Southeast Asia since 1945. Academics and practitioners trace three themes - transformations within Southeast Asian countries, the actors and processes that contributed to these changes, and new dynamics in foreign relations. These diachronic essays examine how engagement among Southeast Asians, and between regional and outside actors have affected patterns of democracy, development, and international relations. By looking back to understand the contemporary political and economic landscape of Southeast Asia, these essays shed light on how modern Southeast Asia has evolved. Special focus centres on U.S. engagement with the region, by both governmental and non-governmental organizations. Through its macrohistorical synthesis of changes in the region over time, this book offers an accessible lens to understand contemporary Southeast Asia.

Islam vs. Islamism introduces the Islamic world's diversity, conflicts, and dilemmas—its origins, extraordinary creativity, and current crisis, the result of its unhappy encounter with Western modernity. Particular attention is given to Islamism, Islam's radically antimodern and often violent revision that is causing turmoil in the Middle East and beyond. Islam vs. Islamism introduces the reader to the Islamic world, to its diversity and conflicts, and to possible solutions to those conflicts. Steering clear of either Islamophilia or Muslim-bashing, yet avoiding blandness, Demant explains the origins of Islam, its history, and its position in today's world. After a period of extraordinary expansion and creativity, and a long sequel of decline, the Islamic world is now in deep crisis, caused by Islam's unhappy encounter with the West and its modernity. Islamic societies have tried a variety of approaches to escape from their predicament, but the result has only been to deepen Muslim powerlessness and Muslims' feelings of frustration. Then came Islamism (Islamic fundamentalism) with its revolutionary but antimodern proposal to refashion Muslim society after the Prophet's original model. Islamism has had unsettling results, first in Islam's heartlands, then along its multiple frontiers, and finally in confrontation with the West itself. Among the outcomes has been an ascending wave of terrorism. But violence is not the whole story. Extremism represents no more than a minority within Islam. Although co-existence with violent fundamentalists is a hopeless task, the questions Islamists raise are serious and evoke echoes in the hearts of many more Muslims. To prevent a war of civilizations, dialogue with the moderate majority of Muslims is more urgent than ever. This book is one step on that long road.

Because of Germany's strong reputation in naval construction, the Allies slated the shipbuilding industry for dismantling after 1945; however, by 1955, West German shipbuilders had regained their place among the world leaders in this industry. This study traces the reconstruction through the labyrinth of Cold War diplomacy, foreign aid programs, and West German politics. By linking the histories of U.S. foreign policy, German business, and postwar Americanization, Wend demonstrates not just the impact of U.S. policy on West German reconstruction, but also the influence of local actors on the direction, implementation, and success of U.S. policies.

The recovery of German shipbuilding meshed well with most of the Truman administration's critical foreign policy initiatives, including the Marshall Plan. As American commitments became globalized, the U.S. relied heavily on West German actors and their institutions for the successful implementation of its policies. In shipbuilding, this reliance strengthened the role of the industrial association, the vertical integration of shipyards with Ruhr industries, and awakened opposition of British and American interest groups. Although U.S. policies failed to alter this industry's structure, West Germans did accept the American production model in the reconfiguration of individual shipyards in the 1950s.

This is the story of Philip Kerr and a group of Oxford graduates that founded The Round Table (Journal of International Affairs) in 1910, and influenced British foreign policy over the following thirty years. As the principal thinker of the group, Kerr saw the need for a supra-national grouping and wanted to organize the British Empire into a federal superstate. The group also sought an Anglo-American alliance, and in 1939, joined a world federation movement that would help to inspire NATO after the war. Important questions raised by this group remain relevant today. Can a supra-national community impose laws and regulations on its members without its governing institutions being more fully accountable to a community-wide electorate? Can hostile nationalism be tamed with such a union. Can it reasonably exclude the United States?

This book is the first comprehensive exploration of the impact Brexit might have on both Britain's and the EU's role in a rising East Asia. From the internationalization of the renminbi to Hong Kong's fraught political status quo, and from former British colonies exploring their place in the world to America's place in East Asia in the Trump era, the EU plays an influential role in Asia today. However, much of this derives from Britain's role and interests, even as Asian models were explicitly cited as models for post-Brexit Britain, particularly the Singaporean model. This book will be of value to scholars, policymakers, and journalists seeking to understand what role the EU and Britain will play in the Asian century.

The distribution of technology among enterprises and nations lies at the heart of international economic relations, affecting trade, investment, finance and economic policies, and is affected in turn by the political relations between nations. The need for effective transfer of technology to developing countries has acquired renewed urgency in recent years as production becomes increasingly knowledge-intensive and competition is determined more and more by the ability of enterprises to learn, to acquire and use knowledge, and to innovate. Access to knowledge has become key to economic success in the marketplace. This text discusses the background, objectives, approaches and progress achieved in the decade-long negotiations on an International Code of Conduct on the Transfer of Technology which took place under the aegis of UNCTAD. It examines the impact and continued relevance of the Code negotiations to subsequent policy and legislative instruments on international technology transfer, both at domestic and international levels, and identifies and examine emerging trends and negotiating agendas that will help to shape the future of international technological co-operation. The central question posed by the initiators of the Draft Code of Conduct is still relevant today - how can we facilitate a just and mutually beneficial system of technology flow in a world of rapid change and increasing gaps in the technological capability of developed and developing countries? The need for marginalized countries to access knowledge in order to learn, adjust and integrate effectively into the world economic system must be balanced with the vital need to reward inventors and innovators to ensure the continued generation of knowledge. It is these issues that will continue to dominate any future discussion on the international transfer of technology. This book will be a valuable work of reference on the evolution of international technological cooperation in the last quarter of the 20th century, as well as a useful guide to policymakers, scholars and international negotiators dealing with these and related issues of international economic cooperation.

Michael Brenner examines European efforts--and American responses--to reduced defense dependency in a post-Cold War world. Unresolved questions abound: institutional form, political direction, resources, and--above all--uncertainty about the place of the United States in security arrangements for and with a new Europe. As he makes clear, the culture of transatlantic security dependency casts a shadow over the ongoing project of reequilibrating the Euro-American alliance. U.S. prestige and power weigh all the heavier because of American ambivalence in coming to terms with its allies' ambitions.

Agreeing on a conception of European Security and Defense Identity and measures to implement it has three requirements: clarifying a security agenda dominated by political goals; candid dialogue on the apprehensions the transatlantic partners have about each other; and dedication to perfecting multilateralism as the standard behavioral code for a more egalitarian alliance. Giving life to ESDI unavoidably will generate tensions and amplify a European voice that at times will grate on Washington's ears. However, as Brenner asserts, making multilateralism work is the best way to ensure that those negatives are outweighed by the value ESDI has for advancing U.S. as well as European interests. This is must reading for scholars, students, and policy makers involved with European security and international relations issues.

This book addresses the potential and limitations of the European Union Neighbourhood Policy in sustaining the expansion of the European security community towards the South Caucasus. The Caucasus' complex regional security dynamics are a hard test for regional security community building and showcase both the challenges of security provision through liberal reforms and integration and of the interaction between security communities and balance of power. The author begins by conceptualizing security community expansion and then considers the ENP through this perspective, before moving on to individual case studies on Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The book will appeal to both scholars and practitioners interested in European security, the European Union external action, and the post-Soviet space.

An examination of teachers in early childhood settings. Areas covered include: factors that impact on teacher quality; transformative pathways in becoming an early childhood teacher; Sensei - early childhood education teachers in Japan; and beliefs of early childhood teachers.

The growth rate of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the Asia-Pacific region greatly surpasses the world average. When the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is better realized, then the world's largest free trade zone will be firmly established. It seems that this region has a very rosy outlook indeed; however, this region also faces a large number of serious problems such as: atomic energy in Japan, conflicts about East Asian regional integration, the decline of the Japanese Official Development Assistance (ODA), and the TPP's possible impact on the Japanese universal health insurance system. We now face a possible Sino-Japanese military conflict concerning the Senkaku Islands (or Diaoyutai Islands). In short, the Asia-Pacific region has both a rosy future and the potential influence from unstable and dangerous elements at work within the region at present. The main purpose of this book is to analyze historical development, whilst looking at the contemporary situation of Japan from interdisciplinary perspectives. This book asks three major questions: (1) Is this really globalization? (2) What are Japan's relations with other Asian countries? (3) Do U.S.-Japan relations still matter? Fourteen leading scholars in their fields answer these questions from interdisciplinary perspectives.