Shavit's historical dictionary addresses the critical need in academic libraries for reference sources that provide undergraduate and beginning graduate students of American foreign policy with introductory information on the persons, events, and institutions that have influenced US relations with other nations. . . . a useful dictionary. "Choice"

Contact between the United States and Asia began in the 17th century when several Americans went to India as employees of the East India company. A myriad of sea captains and merchants, missionaries, consuls and diplomats, travelers, journalists, businessmen, engineers, naturalists, educators, and authors and artists followed, establishing a gamut of relationships between the United States and Asia. This volume provides, in alphabetical format, information about those individuals, institutions, and events that most affected the relationships between the United States and Asia. The dictionary focuses on individuals who contributed in a significant way to U.S.-Asian relations, especially those who left a written record of their experiences. The book covers all countries of Asia, except those of the Middle East, which are in a separate volume by Shavit.

Shavit has succeeded in making the information highly accessible as well as comprehensive. The front matter includes a list of abbreviations, place names, and a chronology. A short introduction then leads into the dictionary itself. References at the end of each entry note whether the subject is covered in general biographical dictionaries and list books and articles on the subject. A system of asterisks cross-references people, events, and institutions that have their own entries in the dictionary. Two appendixes--a list of the chiefs of American diplomatic missions to Asia from 1843 to 1989, and a list of individuals organized by profession and occupation--are added handy reference materials. A bibliographical essay and index complete the book. This impressive new historical dictionary is a useful reference guide for any student of American relations with Asia.

This book explores the process of policymaking and implementation in the finance, energy and security sectors in the United Arab Emirates. It looks at the role of informal advisory networks in a nascent private sector, federal politics, and historical ties in foreign relations.

To ensure its protection from enemies both foreign and domestic, a government must invest resources and personnel toward the goal of homeland security. It is through these endeavors that citizens are able to live out their lives in peace. Cases on Research and Knowledge Discovery: Homeland Security Centers of Excellence presents a series of studies and descriptive examples on the US Department of Homeland Security and related research. Through its investigation of interesting challenges and thought-provoking ideas, this volume offers professionals, researchers, and academics in the fields of security science, engineering, technology, and mathematics an in-depth discussion of some of the issues that directly affect the safety, security, and prosperity of the nation.

By positioning the late Edward Said's political interventions as a public intellectual on behalf of Palestinian populations living under Israeli occupation as a form of intellectual resistance, Abraham moves to consider forms of physical resistance, seeking to better understand the motivations of those who choose to turn their bodies into weapons.

This edited volume analyses the evolution and main determinants of Russia's foreign policy choices. Containing contributions by renowned specialists on the topic, the study sheds light on some of the new trends that have characterised Russia's foreign policy since the beginning of Vladimir Putin's third presidential term.

From the pre-independence days to the conclusion of the recent Persian Gulf War, India has maintained a strong pro-Arab policy. This book traces the economic, political, and psychological factors that have influenced India's pro-Arab policy from the 1920s to today, and how these factors influence the implementation of present policy with the Arab world. The origins and dynamics of India's foreign policy with West Asia are discussed in detail. Although India's relations with her immediate neighbors are the subject of much study, this examination of India and the Arab world provides a multitude of the perplexing issues that have a direct bearing on India's diversity and rise to mid-level power status.

The author finds that India's relations with West Asia are anything but symmetrical as New Delhi continues to give unequivocal support to Arab interests while Arabs generally fail to support India on vital South Asian questions. The continuity of India's pro-Arab policy rests on the relevancy of West Asian oil for industrial development, security interests in the northern frontiers and Indian Ocean, and the sensitivities of India's large Muslim population. Most specifically, India has and will continue to support the creation of a separate Palestinian state. Students and scholars of Indian politics, comparative foreign policy study, Middle East affairs, and international politics will find this study, with its extensive bibliography, a useful and interesting book.

The collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe was relatively quick, peaceful, and unforeseen. In this important new study of Soviet policy in the region, Chafetz provides a fresh analysis of why Moscow redefined Soviet interests in Eastern Europe and an explanation of the decision not to use military force to shore up the disintegrating bloc. Particular attention is devoted to the interaction of domestic and international factors in the policy process; the causes and impact of ideological revision within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the role of GorbacheV's perceptions in his decisions.

Most people will admit that in 1985 they could not imagine that during their lifetime the Soviet Union would permit the Berlin Wall to fall, would allow democratic elections in Eastern Europe, and would withdraw its troops from the region, ending the Cold War. Yet, between 1985 and 1990, the Soviet Union reoriented its foreign policy rapidly, decisively, and peacefully. This book explains why the Soviet Union abandoned its long-term policy toward Eastern Europe: specifically, why the Gorbachev regime abandoned the Brezhnev Doctrine.

This study of the decisions that resulted in the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe helps us understand the factors and forces behind not only GorbacheV's Eastern European policy but also MoscoW's foreign policy in general, Soviet internal democratization, and the large-scale historical change in the 20th century. This book is important reading for those concerned with contemporary international and military relations and Eastern European studies.

This volume investigates the impact of energy issues on geostrategy. The crucial importance of energy and the fact that fossil fuels are not equally distributed among countries means that decisions are not only based on financial arguments, but also on the political impact. It can be said that "Energy is Politics". In three parts - 1) Energy Economy; 2) Finance; and 3) Geostrategy - academics and practitioners address both economic and political questions and present cases from several countries. This is the sixth volume in a series on energy organized by the Centre for Energy and Value Issues (CEVI). The previous volumes in the series were: Financial Aspects in Energy (2011), Energy Economics and Financial Markets (2012), Perspectives on Energy Risk (2014), Energy Technology and Valuation Issues (2015) and Energy and Finance (2016).

This theoretical and empirical study is the first to examine the connection between the image and substance of Spain's democracy and the country's foreign policy in Central America. Rosenberg establishes a linkage between Spain's political model of democratic transition and Spanish foreign policy on the isthmus, while questioning the validity of the model as a foreign policy instrument. This well-documented case study is intended for political scientists and historians, students, scholars, and policymakers dealing with the complex and difficult relationships between Spain, Europe, and Central America and with major questions about the future of democracy. The notion of democracy is explored as a historical and contemporary feature of Central American politics since the nineteenth century. Spain's own democratic successes and failures are measured against the abstraction of the political model that the country uses as a foreign policy instrument. The institutional and operational aspects of Spanish foreign policy in Central America are considered against the backdrop of severe strategic, economic, and social crises there. The rhetoric and actions of the Spanish Socialist government are evaluated and considered in relation to foreign policy and democratic development in Central America.

"Connecting" and "distancing" have been two prominent themes permeating the writings on the historical and contemporary developments of the relationship between Southeast Asia and China. As neighbours, the nation-states in Southeast Asia and the giant political entity in the north communicated with each other through a variety of diplomatic overtures, political agitations, and cultural nuances. In the last two decades with the rise of China as an economic powerhouse in the region, Southeast Asia's need to connect with China has become more urgent and necessary as it attempts to reap the benefit from the successful economic modernization in China. At the same time, however, there were feelings of ambivalence, hesitation and even suspicions on the part of the Southeast Asian states vis--vis the rise of a political power which is so less understood or misunderstood. The contributors of this volume are authors of various disciplinary backgrounds: history, political science, economics and sociology. They provide a spectrum of perspectives by which the readers can view Sino-Southeast Asia relations.

.,."splendid cover of which features a ravenous man-eating shark...some contributions-especially those by Mary Louise Pratt, Greg Grandin, Timothy Mitchell, Kristin Ross, and Rebecca Karl-are outstanding. Michtell, whose essay "American Power and Anti-Americanism in the Middle East" is truly superb."--"BookForum"

"This timely and thoroughly absorbing book is the best, most comprehensive and most critical survey of anti-Americanism available. A thoughtful antidote to the blah blah blah of CNN and network news, Anti-Americanism provides a subtle unpeeling of US global domination and multiple political and cultural responses to it. If you want to understand what the news is calling anti-Americanism, this is the book to read."
--Neil Smith, author of "American Empire: Roosevelt's Geographer and The Prelude to Globalization"

Ever since George Washington warned against "foreign entanglements" in his 1796 farewell speech, the United States has wrestled with how to act toward other countries. Consequently, the history of anti-Americanism is as long and varied as the history of the United States.

In this multidisciplinary collection, seventeen leading thinkers provide substance and depth to the recent outburst of fast talk on the topic of anti-Americanism by analyzing its history and currency in five key global regions: the Middle East, Latin America, Europe, East Asia, and the United States. The commentary draws from social science as well as the humanities for an in-depth study of anti-American opinion and sentiment in different cultures.

The questions raised by these essays force us to explore the new ways America must interact with the world after 9/11 and the war againstIraq.

Contributors: Greg Grandin, Mary Louise Pratt, Ana Maria Dopico, George Yudice, Timothy Mitchell, Ella Shohat, Mary Nolan, Patrick Deer, Vangelis Calotychos, Harry Harootunian, Hyun Ok Park, Rebecca E. Karl, Moss Roberts, Linda Gordon, and John Kuo Wei Tchen.

The Cuban Missile Crisis is the closest the United States came to nuclear war during the Cold War era. Facing down the buildup of Soviet missiles in Cuba in 1962, President John F. Kennedy took a calculated risk and succeeded in negotiating the removal of those weapons after weeks of teetering on the brink of war. This riveting narrative and ready-reference guide captures the drama of that crisis. Eleven chapters trace the unfolding of events from the United States, Cuban, and Soviet perspectives.

Ready reference features include: a blow-by-blow chronology of daily events during the Crisis, lengthy biographical profiles of the nine key players, including Cuba's Fidel Castro, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, and key Kennedy Cabinet members who were part of Kennedy's Crisis team; the text of 19 primary documents, including conversations in the Oval Office and memoranda that put the reader inside the crisis room, and Kennedy's speeches to the nation; and an annotated bibliography of print and electronic sources suitable for student research. James Nathan, an expert on the Cuban Missile Crisis, provides an interesting narrative with all the high drama of the Crisis, along with a contemporary historical perspective that will help readers to gain an understanding of the event that symbolized the height of the Cold War and its long-term significance.

With the Iranian revolution as her focal point, Seliktar offers a systematic analysis of predictive failure in foreign policy at the paradigmatic, policy, and intelligence levels. Seliktar first examines how social science paradigms determine conceptualizations of political change, and then applies that analysis to understanding New Internationalism, the Carter administration's foreign policy philosophy at the time of the Shah's fall from power. Based in part on classified documents seized during the takeover of the American embassy, Failing the Crystal Ball Test is a valuable addition to Middle Eastern studies, international relations, and comparative politics collections. Seliktar engages in a general discussion of the problems entailed in correctly assessing the political legitimacy of foreign regimes, and describes the origins of New Internationalism as influenced by the New Left dependency theories. Examining President Carter's application of New Internationalism to Iran, Seliktar presents an account first of political influences on the predictive process during the early stages of revolution, and then of the administration's misreading of the likelihood of a fundamentalist regime in Teheran.

North Korea possesses nuclear weapons, while Iran is poised to acquire them in the next decade. How the United States and other nations seek to roll back these burgeoning nuclear powers is among the most urgent issues of the day. At stake is regional security in the Persian Gulf and Northeast Asia, America's standing abroad, and prospects for nuclear non-proliferation. This book offers complementary international perspectives on these threats and the peaceful responses to grapple with the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs. Leading authorities provide balanced analyses-together with new chronologies and maps-that make the volume an invaluable reference for all those interested in understanding options available in dealing with Iran and North Korea. The contributors to this volume offer complementary international perspectives on the critical security issues that stem from the challenges posed by Iran and North Korea. No other work combines the analysis of the two countries and explores the threat posed by each to regional stability and world order. The book examines how and why attempts to curb the nuclear programs and broader political ambitions of each nation have failed. It also examines how each nation, in its own way, has managed to defy the world's preponderant power, the United States, as well as other major powers and the United Nations. And it offers analysis on where the fractured and oscillating relations with these two nettlesome actors are heading and the long-term implications of their current trajectories for nuclear proliferation, deterrence, alliance management, regional security, and world order. Expert, balanced analyses-augmented by new chronologies and maps-make the volume an invaluable reference for all those interested in understanding the options available in dealing with Iran and North Korea.

This study shows how, contrary to traditional thought, the U.S. government assumed a leadership position in world affairs and introduced innovative policies to ensure the maintenance of international peace between 1921 and 1933. During the Interwar Period, the Republican Party dominated American foreign policy under three successive presidents: Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. The development of coherent strategies to preserve world peace and security engaged the energies of their three secretaries of state: Charles Evans Hughes, Frank Billings Kellogg, and Henry Lewis Stimson. Optimism for a lasting peace would initially prevail with the negotiation of new international agreements but the dream would fade after 1931 as Japanese and German extremists embraced the use of force to achieve power. The three Republican administrations recognized that it was in America's national interest, as the leading world power and major creditor nation, to help resolve the economic and political problems of other nations. Louria describes U.S. sponsorship of disarmament conferences, economic intervention in Germany under the Dawes Plan, and establishment of a framework for conducting relations in the Far East, particularly in China. Filling a crucial gap in the post-World War I literature, this study introduces substantial evidence of America's pursuit of world peace and examines the original thinking related to the prevention of future wars that existed. It also details why these Republican innovations failed to halt the world's drift into another disastrous war.

A distinctive contribution to the politics of citizenship and immigration in an expanding European Union, this book explains how and why differences arise in responses to immigration by examining local, national and transnational dimensions of public debates on Romanian migrants and the Roma minority in Italy and Spain.

In a troubled world where millions die at the hands of their own governments and societies, some states risk their citizens' lives, considerable portions of their national budgets, and repercussions from opposing states to protect helpless foreigners. Dozens of Canadian peacekeepers have died in Afghanistan defending humanitarian reconstruction in a shattered faraway land with no ties to their own. Each year, Sweden contributes over $3 billion to aid the world's poorest citizens and struggling democracies, asking nothing in return. And, a generation ago, Costa Rica defied U.S. power to broker a peace accord that ended civil wars in three neighboring countries--and has now joined with principled peers like South Africa to support the United Nations' International Criminal Court, despite U.S. pressure and aid cuts. Hundreds of thousands of refugees are alive today because they have been sheltered by one of these nations.
Global Good Samaritans looks at the reasons why and how some states promote human rights internationally, arguing that humanitarian internationalism is more than episodic altruism--it is a pattern of persistent principled politics. Human rights as a principled foreign policy defies the realist prediction of untrammeled pursuit of national interest, and suggests the utility of constructivist approaches that investigate the role of ideas, identities, and influences on state action. Brysk shows how a diverse set of democratic middle powers, inspired by visionary leaders and strong civil societies, came to see the linkage between their long-term interest and the common good. She concludes that state promotion of global human rights may be an option for many more membersof the international community and that the international human rights regime can be strengthened at the interstate level, alongside social movement campaigns and the struggle for the democratization of global governance.

The proverbial Soviet enigma has never seemed more elusive to Western analysts than now. General Secretary GorbacheV's demonstrated willingness to reallocate resources, the upheavals in the internal Soviet system wrought by perestroika and glasnost, and a new strategic reliance on defensive sufficiency may all have profound implications for U.S.-Soviet relations in the future. In this volume, distinguished academics, researchers, and government and military strategists look ahead to the 1990s and examine probable trends in the superpower relationship over the course of the next decade. An excellent source of readings for courses in international relations, national security, and foreign policy, the book focuses particularly on the strategic and military aspects of the relationship.

The book is divided into four parts and begins by addressing concepts of strategy. The contributors outline U.S. strategic practice and Soviet global objectives in the context of nuclear deterrence and major conventional wars. In Part II, three chapters discuss the U.S. response to the Soviet threat in terms of U.S. strategy for war in Europe, strategic defense policies, and technology and policy choices. Low intensity conflicts, both unconventional conflicts and Third World involvements, are the subject of Part III. Finally, the contributors assess Soviet military power and U.S. defense resources, examining the question of which nation is currently better prepared to outlast the other in a protracted conflict. A concluding chapter ties the readings together by examining whether the Soviet challenge of the 1990s can best be characterized as peacefully offensive or as operational entrapment.

Italy emerged from the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 with the feeling that it had been denied its just rewards by ungrateful allies and that its victory was thus mutilated. Integrating this vengefulness into his diplomacy in the 1920s, Mussolini undertook a policy of selected treaty revision aimed at the breakup of the newly created state of Yugoslavia through covert operations. These stratagems proved futile. Ignoring the threat posed by Nazi Germany's obvious determination to annex Austria, whose continued independence was key to Italy's security in Europe, Mussolini successfully invaded Ethiopia in October 1935, with only lukewarm opposition from France and Britain. Subsequently, in July 1936, he unwisely intervened on the side of the insurgent general Francisco Franco against the Republican government in Madrid. Instead of the expected speedy victory, Italy got bogged down in a prolonged civil war, which rendered Mussolini even more dependent on Nazi Germany. To preserve his standing in Berlin, he did not lift a finger when the Third Reich marched into Austria in 1938. Convinced of the growing decadence of the Western democracies, Mussolini turned to forge the Rome-Berlin Axis. But given Italy's military weakness, Mussolini was bound to be Hitler's junior partner. When the Duce talked of turning the Mediterranean Sea into an Italian lake in February 1939, he found himself trapped in Hitler's military iron cage. Parity in the Axis was the Duce's own peculiar myth. When Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, Mussolini declared nonbelligerency since he was in no position to wage war. He intended to bide his time in order to see who would win or, in the event of a stalemate, to step in as a mediator. But when the Nazi steamroller crushed France, Mussolini felt he had only one option—war on the side of Germany. By tying himself to Hitler's war chariot, Mussolini sacrificed the national interests of his country and doomed his Fascist regime to ultimate destruction.

At the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the land-locked countries of the world, together with their geographically disadvantaged counterparts, made a determined effort to obtain special recognition in the Law of the Sea Convention. As members of the so-called LLGDS Group, they challenged the position of coastal States in several areas and introduced proposals which are yet to be fully assessed in the literature on the Law of the Sea. Published at a time when many intriguing questions on the Law of the Sea remain the subjects of intense controversy, this book charts the LLGDS effort at the UNCLOS III and critically examines the extent to which the 1982 Convention and the customary law reflects the perspective of the LLGDS Group. It also offers detailed consideration of many key issues in the law and politics of the sea.

Contributors from diverse disciplinary, ideological, and theoretical perspectives, examine the multiple aspects and dimensions of globalization. By employing a variety of methodological approaches, the authors provide insights into the role of numerous agents in furthering the process and project of present and future globalization(s), as manifested in economic, political and cultural domains. Furthermore, they address the impacts of globalization in nation-states, emancipatory feminist and environmental movements, and migrant communities, as well as identify their participation in and opposition to the phenomena of globalization.

Exploring the dynamics of law-making in a world where the pace of technological change is outstripping our capacity to capture new forms of transnational crime, this book uses the innovative concept of unlawfulness to examine the crimes of the global overworld, forming a unique analysis of global order in the twenty-first century.

Since the 1950s, globalization has been an increasingly irresistible trend and one that has exerted a tremendous impact on the political, economic, military, environmental, and social fortunes of mankind - and yet, existing theories in humanities and social sciences have been fundamentally built upon the traditional "nation-state" model. These two volumes, a pioneering work on global studies to be published out of China, aims at creating a new theoretical framework against the backdrop of globalization. Volume 1 introduces the core concepts and discusses the critical issues of globalization while the editors redefine notions of politics, economics, law, and globality while deploying globalization as a theoretical framework. Volume 2 examines the multi-level and multi-dimensional nature of globalization, analysing processes and systems of global society in the light of globalization, and exploring the construction of a stable and rational global order. These two volumes of global studies are an essential reference for scholars and students in politics, economics, international relations and law.

The twentieth century has been described as the bloodiest in human history, but it was also the century in which people around the world embraced ideas of democracy and human rights as never before. They constructed social, political and legal institutions seeking to contain human behaviour, ensuring that by the turn of the twenty- first century more countries were democratic than non-democratic and the protection of human rights had been extended far beyond the expectations of the creators of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Todd Landman offers an optimistic, yet cautionary tale of these developments, drawing on the literature from politics, international relations and international law. He celebrates the global turn from tyranny and violence towards democracy and rights but he also warns of the precariousness of these achievements in the face of democratic setbacks and the undermining of rights commitments by many countries during the controversial "War on Terror."