Taking a comparative and transnational perspective in its exploration of East and Western Europe, this volume analyses the history of post-war industrial policy after the Second World War. It investigates differences and similarities, looks at transfers across national borders and locates industrial policy in the context of the Cold War.

This first encyclopedia about the Arab-Israeli conflict by a team of experts gives detailed and comprehensive coverage of the important political, military, and diplomatic events, places, people, groups, agreements, treaties, and issues that have marked this controversial and complex regional and international conflict. A team of authorities with varying backgrounds, interests, disciplines, and perspectives gives special attention to the period since the adoption of the Palestine partition plan in November 1947, the first Arab-Israeli War up to the Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles and subsequent agreements, as well as the Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty and implementation process. Hundreds of entries arranged alphabetically provide hard-to-find information and point to sources for further reading and research. Extensive cross-references, a chronology of important events, a bibliographical essay, and a general index further enhance this basic research tool. Designed for broad interdisciplinary use by scholars, students, policymakers, and general readers of varying backgrounds, interests, disciplines, and perspectives in college, university, institutional, and public libraries.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Across the global South, new media technologies have brought about new forms of cultural production, distribution and reception. The spread of cassette recorders in the 1970s; the introduction of analogue and digital video formats in the 80s and 90s; the pervasive availability of recycled computer hardware; the global dissemination of the internet and mobile phones in the new millennium: all these have revolutionised the access of previously marginalised populations to the cultural flows of global modernity. Yet this access also engenders a pirate occupation of the modern: it ducks and deranges the globalised designs of property, capitalism and personhood set by the North. Positioning itself against Eurocentric critiques by corporate lobbies, libertarian readings or classical Marxist interventions, this volume offers a profound postcolonial revaluation of the social, epistemic and aesthetic workings of piracy. It projects how postcolonial piracy persistently negotiates different trajectories of property and self at the crossroads of the global and the local.

In this comprehensive analysis of Hungarian political and economic developments over the past 30 years, Felkay focuses particularly on the role played by the country's long-tenured Communist leader, Janos Kadar. Basing his study on a comprehensive critical analysis of the official Hungarian press, ideological journals, relevant documents, and other statistical reports from 1956 to the present, Felkay argues that Hungary's rapid recovery from the cataclysmic events of 1956 was the direct result of Kadar's ability to overcome the alienation of his compatriots without incurring the displeasure of the Soviet Union. Felkay's reliance on primarily Hungarian Communist sources offers the reader a unique window on Kadar's political emergence as a pragmatic and unusally successful Communist leader. Felkay begins with a brief history of Hungary and Soviet-Hungarian relations to the end of World War II, setting the context for the detailed political case study which follows. Subsequent chapters detail Kadar's youth, his early involvement with the Communist party, and his installatiton by the Soviets as Hungary's leader in the wake of the 1956 uprising. Felkay demonstrates that despite the circumstances of his selection and his lack of domestic support, Kadar emerged as an effective political leader in his own right. His introduction of innovative non-Marxist structural economic reforms, Felkay shows, enabled Kadar to create one of the most efficient economic systems within the Soviet bloc. Felkay continues with chapters covering the Czechoslovak crisis of 1968, the slowing of reforms and the effects of worldwide price explosions in the early 1970s, and the mounting economic problems that have confronted Kadar and Hungary in the 1980s. The concluding chapters address the most recent developments, including Kadar's removal from office and the impact of Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika, and predicts likely future trends. Invaluable supplemental reading for courses in comparative politics, Central European politics, and the political economy of Eastern Europe, this volume provides a more comprehensive view of Hungary's contemporary development than has yet been available.

Faith Based Diplomacy-The Challenge to Development is not just another book on diplomacy. It is a book in its own class. Concisely written and imbued with pragmatism, it outlines a vision of hope to poverty-stricken people making a concerted effort to improve their situations. Based on practical experience and influenced by faith, Ambassador James John Chikago's book is useful reading for those possessing faith based values; specifically, people believing that God created the Universe before creating mankind and those sensitive individuals aware that poverty is not a permanent condition relegated to any specific ethnic identity. Beginning with the early pages, Chikago defines "diplomacy" as statesmanship, disavowing the assumption that diplomacy is a new invention by modern states. Instead, the author shows how the Holy Bible makes references to diplomacy in the books of 2 Samuel 10:2, 2 Corinthians 5:20, and Ephesians 6:20 With the consolidation of democratic regimes and the flowering of democracy worldwide, the author explores the problems diplomatic missions from developing countries face in the world's new political environment. For instance, he extols those ordinary citizens in developing countries who courageously question the status quo of resident diplomatic missions in search for something better, but also deplores public anger for performance improvements at diplomatic missions explaining that such anger is misdirected because diplomatic missions are not independent entities. The author contends that governments in developing countries have acted responsibly by implementing development diplomacy as a strategy for improving the performance at diplomatic missions. While the change to development diplomacy has aroused a sense of optimism among some citizens, the author cautions that many unwisely place too much hope in political systems and man-made solutions alone. Ambassador Chikago reminds readers of the prophet's promise in Isaiah 44:2a; "He who made you will help you." He also notes that Pastor/author Rick Warren(Purpose Driven Life) has stated that no person was born by mistake, and that God has a purpose for all of us; God plans who will be born and when. In other words, while adopting development diplomacy is a positive step, it is not a silver bullet and it means little without God's blessings. The resolution of poverty in developing countries will be realized through prayers and by asking God for an awakening to correct value systems. Faith Based Diplomacy- The Challenge to Development is a thoughtful and stimulating discussion for politicians, the diplomatic community, bureaucrats and students of diplomacy everywhere.

By adopting a wide-ranging perspective, this book addresses the key issues relevant to contemporary China, providing a valuable tool with which to understand the challenges and opportunities facing political and economic actors, both domestic and foreign, over the next decades. The book addresses key issues now subject to considerable debate, such as sustainable growth, the imbalances in society deriving from growing inequalities and environmental threats. Concluding this section is an overview of how Chinese-US relations, and China's geo-political role at the international level, have evolved at the turn of the 21st century. The book then goes on to analyse those issues linked to the impacts of recent welfare system reforms. In particular, those impacts on the health care and pension systems, growing unemployment deriving from reform of state-owned enterprises and the related phasing out of the 'cradle-to-grave' welfare system. The closing chapter looks at the potential provided by a fast-growing insurance market in conjunction with WTO opening measures, to assess whether increased opportunities are likely to arise for foreign insurance suppliers. Scholars of political economy and international economics as well as academics and researchers of Asian - particularly Chinese studies, will find this book of great value.

This volume brings together seven Americans and twenty-six Western Europeans to discuss the role of Western Europe in East-West relations. Although there are a number of books on NATO and on U.S.-West European relations, this is the first whose topic is the conflict between the U.S. and its European Allies over ties with Moscow, as it is affected by the interests and policies of West European countries.

In this book, Daniel Kliman argues that the years following September 11, 2001, have marked a turning point in Japan's defense strategy. Utilizing poll data from Japanese newspapers as well as extensive interview material, Kliman chronicles the erosion of normative and legal restraints on Tokyo's security policy. In particular, he notes that both Japanese elites and the general public increasingly view national security from a realpolitik perspective. Japan's more realpolitik orientation has coincided with a series of precedent-breaking defense initiatives. Tokyo deployed the Maritime Self-Defense Force to the Indian Ocean, decided to introduce missile defense, and contributed troops to Iraq's post-conflict reconstruction. Kliman explains these initiatives as the product of four mutually interactive factors. In the period after September 11, the impact of foreign threats on Tokyo's security calculus became ever more pronounced; internalized U.S. expectations exerted a profound influence over Japanese defense behavior; prime ministerial leadership played an instrumental role in deciding high profile security debates; and public opinion appeared to overtake generational change as a motivator of realpolitik defense policies. This book rebuts those who exaggerate the nature of Japan's strategic transition. By evaluating potential amendments to Article 9, Kliman demonstrates that Tokyo's defense posture will remain constrained even after constitutional revision.

In an age of uncertainties influenced by information technologies and the networking of societies, the maritime domain remains the main global lane of communication, vital for trade and security. The European Union has become a maritime actor, carrying out counter-piracy and maritime capacity-building operations and actively dealing with maritime safety, fisheries protection, port security, maritime surveillance and counter-immigration at sea. The Union's policies, mechanisms and activities related to the maritime domain are now backed by a Maritime Security Strategy, adopted by the Council in June 2014. This cutting edge book accounts for the trends in maritime strategy and seapower politics as well as the recent developments in the field, both at the conceptual and practical level. It discusses the significance of the maritime domain for European security in general and for the EU in particular. Readers are provided with the necessary tools to critically assess the EU's potential as a global maritime actor and evaluate why Europe's prosperity and security rests on its capacity to shape events at sea.

An examination of the several reasons for the failure of foreign policy reform during the controversial administration of President Jimmy Carter.

In "Reversing Course," David Skidmore argues that President Carter's initial foreign policy agenda required a scaling back of U.S. commitments abroad, reflecting a decline in resources, as well as influence, in a world developing in ways necessarily reducing U.S. hegemony. By probing beneath the obvious and carefully sifting the abundant but poorly understood evidence, Skidmore finds at the root of Carter's failed effort an irresistible pressure to reverse a liberal foreign-policy agenda in order to address the effect at home of well-organized conservative criticism. For Skidmore, Carter's course "reversed" toward a traditional containment strategy vis-a-vis the Soviet Union not because of Soviet intransigence or faulty idealism but because Cold War politics sold better in the polls.

While offering significant theoretical arguments, Skidmore carefully anchors his thesis in the day-to-day political give and take among those personalities and events that provoked headlines and commentaries long before they were the stuff of history. Among the telling factors and events analyzed in this book are the Vance/Brzezinski conflict, the support and opposition of Howard Baker, the SALT II Treaty, the Panama Canal Treaties, and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, to mention only a few.

Although Skidmore draws conclusions that apply to the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations as well, his focus is not on personality but on theory and underlying structures. He provides a demonstration that this structural approach can "be helpful not only in unraveling the mysteries of policy change under Carter but also in specifying the underlying sources of policy vacillation over much of the past two decades." .

"The Next Cold War?" sounds a warning: the United States may be contributing to another cold war through its competitive unilateral and regional economic policies. Whereas wars of the past usually resulted from political conflict, Hanson warns that a new cold war may result from economic conflict. This raises important questions for American policymakers. Will the United States be a world leader that promotes cooperation and unity, or will it seek to create competition and division? Will the United States address the basic problems of population, environmental deterioration, and economic stagnation in concert with other nations, or will it pursue narrow geopolitical and geoeconomic power strategies? This fascinating work explores both sides of these questions and poses alternatives that will promote world cooperation and unity.

In this thought-provoking new study of the cooperation between the people of the United States and the Soviet Union, the contributors analyze joint ventures in academic and cultural exchange; trade, conservation and environmental controls; space; medicine and public health; security and communications; and cooperative diplomacy in Antarctica. U.S.-Soviet Cooperation: A New Future demonstrates that joint enterprises have heightened the dependability of both sides to maintain the peaceful status quo and makes a firm case for the strengthening and expanding of such ventures. Students of political science, the informed public, as well as government officials will find this book a source of stimulating ideas that challenge the generally accepted views concerning U.S.-Soviet relations.

By emphasizing the positive benefits of joint ventures between the two countries--agreements in crisis communication, trade, science, agriculture, environmental protection, space, and medicine--the contributors are reversing the tendency of students of International Relations to focus on disagreement, controversy, and war. This book points out significant public policy implications in this spirit of cooperation, including promising material for a new future in superpower relations.

This book studies intelligence intervention in politics in the modern democratic state. In theory, intelligence work should be objective, autonomous, and free of political influence; at its best, it should be guided solely by the professional ethic of intelligence. In reality, however, unavoidable political pressures, as well as bureaucratic and personal interests, can and often do influence the conduct of intelligence work. In tracing and explaining the effects of these pressures and interests on the behavior of intelligence organizations and individuals, Uri Bar-Joseph analyzes four case studies of intelligence intervention in politics: the 1961 Bay of Pigs episode; the 1954 Israeli "Unfortunate Business Affair"; the 1920 British "Henry Wilson Affair"; and the 1924 "Zinoviev Letter Affair."

This work was designed to establish a sense of history and perspective for the study and teaching of national security. It is also intended to bring a sense of balance to current debates on national security policy. This is accomplished by presenting selected official U.S. documents covering the past thirty years, a careful reading of which not only provides valuable insights into the policy process but also into the meaning of American values. Rather than giving a comprehensive picture, this volume is designed to portray the critical reference points in the periods and events examined, and to identify the attitudes of the times. The book primarily treats the period from 1950 to the mid-1980s, although the first document examined is the National Security Act of 1947. The documents examined cover the national security establishment, new defense policies such as counterinsurgency, the events of the Vietnam War and its aftermath, nuclear strategy, the Reagan reassertion, and congressional constraints on the executive branch of government. A number of foreign and national security policy references were used as background and guides; these are listed in the Select Bibliography.

This collection of original historical essays sheds new light on the French colonial experience and the African reaction to it and breaks new ground by looking at both sides of the colonial equation. Editor G. Wesley Johnson believes that a double impact characterized French colonial rule in Africa during the first six decades of the twentieth century. The contributors, selected for their long experience with France or French-speaking Africa, examine nine thematic areas--the economy, the military, elites, education, art, architecture, literature, race relations and prejudice, and politics--to see if and how reciprocal impact was felt. Finally, Johnson considers the utility of double impact as a concept for understanding France and French colonial society, Africa and its colonial society, and the colonial period which enmeshed the two cultures as a whole.

'To attempt such a difficult task requires ambition, confidence and skill. All three qualities are evident in this impressive reference book. It deserves a prominent place in all International Relations libraries'. Dr Scott Burchill, In Australian Journal of Political Science, 43:4, 747 - 766. Now in its third edition, International Relations: The Key Concepts, remains an important resource for anyone interested in international politics. Comprehensive and relevant, it has been fully revised to reflect the most important themes and issues in international relations in the post-9/11 era. Featuring new entries on: * The Arab Spring * Responsibility to Protect * Governmentality * Postcolonialism * Neoliberalism * Global Financial Crisis With suggestions for further reading and a useful guide to websites, International Relations: The Key Concepts is an ideal aid for students and newcomers to the field of International Relations.

This book looks at the role that civil society organizations play in dealing with conflict and violence. The authors argue that in most of the prevalent conceptualizations the conflict dimension of civil society is either downplayed or inadequately addressed. They contend that the ability to deal with conflict is at the heart of organized civil society; in the political process, one of civil society's key functions is to express and mediate between different interests, thus contributing to political decision-making. The chapters draw on detailed, empirical data from the CIVICUS Civil Society Index - a unique comparative data-set drawn from 25 countries, which has not previously been made publicly available. It examines the different ways violence has been manifested in civil societies, the meaning of violent protest and the impact of security legislation that might hinder the mediating efforts of civil society. The book offers a sophisticated comparison between conflict and post-conflict countries and an analysis of the role of civil society in conflict resolution, reconciliation and transitional justice.

The danger raised by the terrorist threat is real, existential, and vital to the United States. But the attacks on 9/11 have been broadly misunderstood. In assessing the meaning and significance of "the war on terror," Tschirgi raises many issues related to the Middle East and American policy toward that area. For example, he debunks the entire "exceptionalist" approach to the Arab world (the presumption that Arab societies fail to be fathomed by Western social science). While Tschirgi stresses the need for resolving the war on terrorism favorably, he also suggests two broad policy recommendations. First, he argues that while the United States should maintain its firm commitment to Israel's preservation as a Jewish state, it has no corresponding duty to support Israeli expansionism. U.S.-Israeli relations should proceed on this basis and should be informed by a greater American reliance on principles of international law. Second, Tschirgi concludes that an American withdrawal from Iraq must be effected as early as possible. Tschirgi's provocative thesis is that the attacks of 9/11 were not as unique an event as we commonly believe. Rather, they were understandable--though deplorable--human reactions to a combination of factors that fueled the Arab world's marginalization and led to a generalized feeling among the people of that region that the West (and particularly the United States) posed a mortal threat to their identity. Employing three case studies of marginalized violent conflict--Mexico's Zapatista conflict, Egypt's struggle against the Gama'a al-Islamiyya in Upper Egypt, and Nigeria's fight against the Ogoni people in the Niger Delta--Tschirgi demonstrates the dynamics throughwhich "traditional" peoples have in modern times opted to wage hopeless struggle against objectively more powerful states. The parallels between the dynamics that informed each of these situations and those marking the international Muslim insurgency against the West are striking, as are the significant differences between the two phenomena. The parallels are found in the mechanics of marginalization and resistance. The differences lie, first, in the Muslim insurgency's identification of the West as a total enemy and the struggle with it as having a zero-sum nature and, second, in the modern terrorists' potential access to lethal means of mass destruction. Both the parallels and differences that mark the two phenomena help deepen a real understanding of the meaning of 9/11.

Sebastian explores the experience of statebuilding and constitution making after violent conflict, using the failed reform of Dayton in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a case study to reflect upon the fundamental questions of post-war statebuilding, reform and the role of local and external actors.

An expert on East European politics and economics analyzes and evaluates Western policies toward the new East European democracies as they struggle to build stable political orders and functioning market economies. He argues that the West must give higher priority to assisting the region and reorient its strategies so as to emphasize the political and administrative dimensions of economic reconstruction. He reviews the economic legacy of past Western policies and of Eastern Europe's previous dependency on the Soviet Union, and then examines in detail the changing East-West trade patterns, the prospect for Western investment and technology transfer, the questions of finance, debt, and foreign aid, and the dilemmas of market reform. Students, scholars, policy analysts, historians, and business people will find this fascinating reading. It is an excellent text for courses in U.S. foreign policy, comparative politics, international political economy, East European and Slavic studies, comparative economics, and international trade and finance.

This collection of essays cuts to the quick of the most pressing moral issues facing decision-makers today, from the actions of ordinary soldiers in a combat zone to presidents deciding when and where to use force. Ethics lie at the heart of human and therefore also international affairs, compelling nations to get involved "over there" and dedicate resources to intervention or to justify detachment. The politics and rhetoric of ethics constrain decision-makers, greatly complicating international situations. This third edition of Ethics and Statecraft addresses the moral reasoning behind the art of peacemaking as well as the ethics and statecraft of conducting war. The coverage ranges from historical transformations of whole eras of diplomatic and international history to issues of ethics of bombing and the laws of war. Specific attention is paid to emerging issues such as armed humanitarian intervention and sanctions, drone wars, war crimes, and economic justice. The work is ideally suited for undergraduate and graduate students of international relations, history, political science, and ethics. It will also be useful for NGO officials and military officers struggling with these issues in the field. General readers will find illumination of highly relevant historical issues-including Allied bombing of civilians during World War II-that set precedents for both expansion and limitations on the laws of war. They will also encounter pressing modern-day quandaries, such as the conditions that permit or even require military or humanitarian intervention, and the impact of new technologies on old moral problems. Provides clear, non-partisan, and non-ideological scholarly coverage of historical as well as contemporary moral issues in international affairs Ranges subject matter from diplomacy, military decision-making, and international law to humanitarian intervention and the definition and protection of the basic human rights Presents the collective expertise and multinational perspectives of an international group of scholars Expands on work already well received by scholars, educators, and international practitioners in two earlier editions

Looking at national peace organizations alongside lesser-known protest collectives, this book argues that anti-nuclear activists encountered familiar challenges common to other social movements of the late twentieth century.