In this book, Daniel Kliman argues that the years following September 11, 2001, have marked a turning point in Japan's defense strategy. Utilizing poll data from Japanese newspapers as well as extensive interview material, Kliman chronicles the erosion of normative and legal restraints on Tokyo's security policy. In particular, he notes that both Japanese elites and the general public increasingly view national security from a realpolitik perspective. Japan's more realpolitik orientation has coincided with a series of precedent-breaking defense initiatives. Tokyo deployed the Maritime Self-Defense Force to the Indian Ocean, decided to introduce missile defense, and contributed troops to Iraq's post-conflict reconstruction. Kliman explains these initiatives as the product of four mutually interactive factors. In the period after September 11, the impact of foreign threats on Tokyo's security calculus became ever more pronounced; internalized U.S. expectations exerted a profound influence over Japanese defense behavior; prime ministerial leadership played an instrumental role in deciding high profile security debates; and public opinion appeared to overtake generational change as a motivator of realpolitik defense policies. This book rebuts those who exaggerate the nature of Japan's strategic transition. By evaluating potential amendments to Article 9, Kliman demonstrates that Tokyo's defense posture will remain constrained even after constitutional revision.

In an age of uncertainties influenced by information technologies and the networking of societies, the maritime domain remains the main global lane of communication, vital for trade and security. The European Union has become a maritime actor, carrying out counter-piracy and maritime capacity-building operations and actively dealing with maritime safety, fisheries protection, port security, maritime surveillance and counter-immigration at sea. The Union's policies, mechanisms and activities related to the maritime domain are now backed by a Maritime Security Strategy, adopted by the Council in June 2014. This cutting edge book accounts for the trends in maritime strategy and seapower politics as well as the recent developments in the field, both at the conceptual and practical level. It discusses the significance of the maritime domain for European security in general and for the EU in particular. Readers are provided with the necessary tools to critically assess the EU's potential as a global maritime actor and evaluate why Europe's prosperity and security rests on its capacity to shape events at sea.

An examination of the several reasons for the failure of foreign policy reform during the controversial administration of President Jimmy Carter.

In "Reversing Course," David Skidmore argues that President Carter's initial foreign policy agenda required a scaling back of U.S. commitments abroad, reflecting a decline in resources, as well as influence, in a world developing in ways necessarily reducing U.S. hegemony. By probing beneath the obvious and carefully sifting the abundant but poorly understood evidence, Skidmore finds at the root of Carter's failed effort an irresistible pressure to reverse a liberal foreign-policy agenda in order to address the effect at home of well-organized conservative criticism. For Skidmore, Carter's course "reversed" toward a traditional containment strategy vis-a-vis the Soviet Union not because of Soviet intransigence or faulty idealism but because Cold War politics sold better in the polls.

While offering significant theoretical arguments, Skidmore carefully anchors his thesis in the day-to-day political give and take among those personalities and events that provoked headlines and commentaries long before they were the stuff of history. Among the telling factors and events analyzed in this book are the Vance/Brzezinski conflict, the support and opposition of Howard Baker, the SALT II Treaty, the Panama Canal Treaties, and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, to mention only a few.

Although Skidmore draws conclusions that apply to the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations as well, his focus is not on personality but on theory and underlying structures. He provides a demonstration that this structural approach can "be helpful not only in unraveling the mysteries of policy change under Carter but also in specifying the underlying sources of policy vacillation over much of the past two decades." .

"The Next Cold War?" sounds a warning: the United States may be contributing to another cold war through its competitive unilateral and regional economic policies. Whereas wars of the past usually resulted from political conflict, Hanson warns that a new cold war may result from economic conflict. This raises important questions for American policymakers. Will the United States be a world leader that promotes cooperation and unity, or will it seek to create competition and division? Will the United States address the basic problems of population, environmental deterioration, and economic stagnation in concert with other nations, or will it pursue narrow geopolitical and geoeconomic power strategies? This fascinating work explores both sides of these questions and poses alternatives that will promote world cooperation and unity.

In this thought-provoking new study of the cooperation between the people of the United States and the Soviet Union, the contributors analyze joint ventures in academic and cultural exchange; trade, conservation and environmental controls; space; medicine and public health; security and communications; and cooperative diplomacy in Antarctica. U.S.-Soviet Cooperation: A New Future demonstrates that joint enterprises have heightened the dependability of both sides to maintain the peaceful status quo and makes a firm case for the strengthening and expanding of such ventures. Students of political science, the informed public, as well as government officials will find this book a source of stimulating ideas that challenge the generally accepted views concerning U.S.-Soviet relations.

By emphasizing the positive benefits of joint ventures between the two countries--agreements in crisis communication, trade, science, agriculture, environmental protection, space, and medicine--the contributors are reversing the tendency of students of International Relations to focus on disagreement, controversy, and war. This book points out significant public policy implications in this spirit of cooperation, including promising material for a new future in superpower relations.

This work was designed to establish a sense of history and perspective for the study and teaching of national security. It is also intended to bring a sense of balance to current debates on national security policy. This is accomplished by presenting selected official U.S. documents covering the past thirty years, a careful reading of which not only provides valuable insights into the policy process but also into the meaning of American values. Rather than giving a comprehensive picture, this volume is designed to portray the critical reference points in the periods and events examined, and to identify the attitudes of the times. The book primarily treats the period from 1950 to the mid-1980s, although the first document examined is the National Security Act of 1947. The documents examined cover the national security establishment, new defense policies such as counterinsurgency, the events of the Vietnam War and its aftermath, nuclear strategy, the Reagan reassertion, and congressional constraints on the executive branch of government. A number of foreign and national security policy references were used as background and guides; these are listed in the Select Bibliography.

This collection of original historical essays sheds new light on the French colonial experience and the African reaction to it and breaks new ground by looking at both sides of the colonial equation. Editor G. Wesley Johnson believes that a double impact characterized French colonial rule in Africa during the first six decades of the twentieth century. The contributors, selected for their long experience with France or French-speaking Africa, examine nine thematic areas--the economy, the military, elites, education, art, architecture, literature, race relations and prejudice, and politics--to see if and how reciprocal impact was felt. Finally, Johnson considers the utility of double impact as a concept for understanding France and French colonial society, Africa and its colonial society, and the colonial period which enmeshed the two cultures as a whole.

This book looks at the role that civil society organizations play in dealing with conflict and violence. The authors argue that in most of the prevalent conceptualizations the conflict dimension of civil society is either downplayed or inadequately addressed. They contend that the ability to deal with conflict is at the heart of organized civil society; in the political process, one of civil society's key functions is to express and mediate between different interests, thus contributing to political decision-making. The chapters draw on detailed, empirical data from the CIVICUS Civil Society Index - a unique comparative data-set drawn from 25 countries, which has not previously been made publicly available. It examines the different ways violence has been manifested in civil societies, the meaning of violent protest and the impact of security legislation that might hinder the mediating efforts of civil society. The book offers a sophisticated comparison between conflict and post-conflict countries and an analysis of the role of civil society in conflict resolution, reconciliation and transitional justice.

The danger raised by the terrorist threat is real, existential, and vital to the United States. But the attacks on 9/11 have been broadly misunderstood. In assessing the meaning and significance of "the war on terror," Tschirgi raises many issues related to the Middle East and American policy toward that area. For example, he debunks the entire "exceptionalist" approach to the Arab world (the presumption that Arab societies fail to be fathomed by Western social science). While Tschirgi stresses the need for resolving the war on terrorism favorably, he also suggests two broad policy recommendations. First, he argues that while the United States should maintain its firm commitment to Israel's preservation as a Jewish state, it has no corresponding duty to support Israeli expansionism. U.S.-Israeli relations should proceed on this basis and should be informed by a greater American reliance on principles of international law. Second, Tschirgi concludes that an American withdrawal from Iraq must be effected as early as possible. Tschirgi's provocative thesis is that the attacks of 9/11 were not as unique an event as we commonly believe. Rather, they were understandable--though deplorable--human reactions to a combination of factors that fueled the Arab world's marginalization and led to a generalized feeling among the people of that region that the West (and particularly the United States) posed a mortal threat to their identity. Employing three case studies of marginalized violent conflict--Mexico's Zapatista conflict, Egypt's struggle against the Gama'a al-Islamiyya in Upper Egypt, and Nigeria's fight against the Ogoni people in the Niger Delta--Tschirgi demonstrates the dynamics throughwhich "traditional" peoples have in modern times opted to wage hopeless struggle against objectively more powerful states. The parallels between the dynamics that informed each of these situations and those marking the international Muslim insurgency against the West are striking, as are the significant differences between the two phenomena. The parallels are found in the mechanics of marginalization and resistance. The differences lie, first, in the Muslim insurgency's identification of the West as a total enemy and the struggle with it as having a zero-sum nature and, second, in the modern terrorists' potential access to lethal means of mass destruction. Both the parallels and differences that mark the two phenomena help deepen a real understanding of the meaning of 9/11.

Sebastian explores the experience of statebuilding and constitution making after violent conflict, using the failed reform of Dayton in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a case study to reflect upon the fundamental questions of post-war statebuilding, reform and the role of local and external actors.

An expert on East European politics and economics analyzes and evaluates Western policies toward the new East European democracies as they struggle to build stable political orders and functioning market economies. He argues that the West must give higher priority to assisting the region and reorient its strategies so as to emphasize the political and administrative dimensions of economic reconstruction. He reviews the economic legacy of past Western policies and of Eastern Europe's previous dependency on the Soviet Union, and then examines in detail the changing East-West trade patterns, the prospect for Western investment and technology transfer, the questions of finance, debt, and foreign aid, and the dilemmas of market reform. Students, scholars, policy analysts, historians, and business people will find this fascinating reading. It is an excellent text for courses in U.S. foreign policy, comparative politics, international political economy, East European and Slavic studies, comparative economics, and international trade and finance.

This collection of essays cuts to the quick of the most pressing moral issues facing decision-makers today, from the actions of ordinary soldiers in a combat zone to presidents deciding when and where to use force. Ethics lie at the heart of human and therefore also international affairs, compelling nations to get involved "over there" and dedicate resources to intervention or to justify detachment. The politics and rhetoric of ethics constrain decision-makers, greatly complicating international situations. This third edition of Ethics and Statecraft addresses the moral reasoning behind the art of peacemaking as well as the ethics and statecraft of conducting war. The coverage ranges from historical transformations of whole eras of diplomatic and international history to issues of ethics of bombing and the laws of war. Specific attention is paid to emerging issues such as armed humanitarian intervention and sanctions, drone wars, war crimes, and economic justice. The work is ideally suited for undergraduate and graduate students of international relations, history, political science, and ethics. It will also be useful for NGO officials and military officers struggling with these issues in the field. General readers will find illumination of highly relevant historical issues-including Allied bombing of civilians during World War II-that set precedents for both expansion and limitations on the laws of war. They will also encounter pressing modern-day quandaries, such as the conditions that permit or even require military or humanitarian intervention, and the impact of new technologies on old moral problems. Provides clear, non-partisan, and non-ideological scholarly coverage of historical as well as contemporary moral issues in international affairs Ranges subject matter from diplomacy, military decision-making, and international law to humanitarian intervention and the definition and protection of the basic human rights Presents the collective expertise and multinational perspectives of an international group of scholars Expands on work already well received by scholars, educators, and international practitioners in two earlier editions

Looking at national peace organizations alongside lesser-known protest collectives, this book argues that anti-nuclear activists encountered familiar challenges common to other social movements of the late twentieth century.

The East Asian peace is a mystery of the modern age. To many theorists and analysts alike, the post-Cold War calm has been seen as a temporary anomaly, potential military conflicts dominating predictions for the future. Despite this, two decades have passed in which a relative peace has been sustained and it is time to question existing forecasts. Comparing the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea and the Korean Nuclear conflict, the author explores the informal processes that can help explain the persistence of peace, leading to hope for a future era of stability.

This text offers an exciting new take on the relationship between law and power. The 1856 Declaration of Paris marks the precise moment when international law became universal, and was an aggressive and successful British move to end privateering forever - then the United States' main weapon in case of war with Britain.

Rhetoric, Lynn Boyd Hinds and Theodore Windt argue, is central to shaping both political consciousness and political culture. In this important new contribution to Praeger's Series in Political Communication, they examine how the rhetoric of the early Cold War years was used to create and develop a national and international reality. The pervasive political view of events, motives, actions, and policy was largely created in the years between 1945 and 1950 and grew from a pre-existing set of rhetorical beliefs as well as from the political speeches and pronouncements of the time. Hinds and Windt focus their study on American rhetoric applied to Soviet-American relations, centering essentially on Europe. They offer a brief outline of the theoretical principles used in their analysis, and follow with a look at certain images of the USSR selected for use by American politicians. In subsequent chapters, the authors trace developments from the end of World War II to Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain speech, thoroughly explore the British leader's address and its effect in dividing the world into two warring camps, analyze the writing and presentation of the 1947 Truman Doctrine and its suggestion of two ways of life, and detail the Truman Loyalty Program and the 1947 House Committee on Un-American Activities hearings in Hollywood. The remaining chapters discuss George Marshall's address originating the European Recovery Act, George Kennan's Sources of Soviet Conduct, contemporary critics, and such proofs as the Korean War, which showed the rhetoric to be correct. This work will be an important reference tool for courses in political communication, American history, political science, and presidential studies, and a useful addition to library collections.

A history of Japan-United States relations from the point of view of a pro-American Japanese scholar, this work is designed to serve as an analysis of the current situation--the third opening of Japan to the West in the last century. The two earlier openings failed when Japan adopted the policy of sonno-joi (which means literally revere the emperor and expel the foreigners). This book is written to try to forestall the very real possibility of a recurrence of sonno-joi: as a reaction to the current opening by appealing to both the Japanese and the Americans to understand Japanese history and Japanese sensibilities.

Japan and the United States share many interests and goals, but they suffer from a tremendous gap in mutual perceptions. Ibe makes an attempt here to explain the Japanese and their view of the world to a non-Japanese audience. He believes Japan is not an inexplicable riddle nor a monolith Japan, Inc. He argues that since time immemorial, forging unity among the many warring groups in Japan has been difficult, whether uniting the warlord clans of the ancient period, the feudalistic domains of premodern times, the political factions of the modernizing period, or the private corporations or government ministries of today. Ibe examines the difficulties the Japanese have encountered in their efforts to unify and to articulate their desires--which is not well understood by non-Japanese. This book is ideal for students, scholars, and the informed citizen interested in Japan and Japanese-American relations.

San Juan, a noted Philippine Marxist now living in the United States, gives a detailed account of the Philippine situation from many perspectives. The essays deal with new-imperialism, the Muslim community, literature, the New People's Army, women, and Filipinos in the United States. While Marcos is gone, many of the issues San Juan raises still need attention and the Marxist perspective he uses gives a very different insight than has been heard previously. Thus the work merits serious consideration for academic libraries. Library Journal Crisis in the Philippines is an unparalleled view of the making of a revolution. E. San Juan offers an insider's examination of the unrelenting avalanche of political events, culminated by the summary killing of opposition leader Benigno Aquino. He dramarically illuminates the Filipino people's struggle for self-determination, the actual activities and growth of the New People's Army, and an analysis of the global forces influencing the current crisis. Unprecedented focus is given to the ways in which certain groups within Phillippine society--particularly the feminist movement and the Church--are coalescing with the Left. Poignantly illustrated with photographs of village life, the New People's Army, protest rallies, press and media clippings, this is the first unrestricted story of the Philippine revolution.

Consisting of sixteen essays by renowned writers and artists, Caviar with Rum: Cuba-USSR and the Post-Soviet Experience is the first book of its kind to bring to life how and why the Soviet period is revisited in Cuban memory these days and what that means for creative production and the future of geopolitics.

Three men and three women: a plant collector, a merchant and his novelist wife, a military officer, and two famous women travelers went to China between the Opium War and the formal end of the opium trade, 1842-1907. Their range of perspectives, their acquaintance with one another and their similar scope of travel to Hong Kong, the treaty ports, and Sichuan lend intensity to their picture of China and the Western presence there.
What the travelers record reveals is a continuity in the response of the West and China to each other. Susan Schoenbauer Thurin's study of these writings presents a rich tapestry of impressions, biases, and cultural perspectives that inform our own understanding of the Victorians and their views of the world outside their own.
The strange mix of opium and missionaries, the aura of fabled "Cathay" and its valuable trade items, the attraction and repulsion of the exotic otherness the travelers experience, reflect the political, religious, and racial views of their era, and explain the allure of the Orient that, in part, characterized their age. "Victorian Travelers and the Opening of China, 1842-1907," is a remarkable look into the cultural past.

This study provides a comprehensive analysis of state-society development in the most volatile region of the world. In the Middle East, various anti-systemic movement and radical Islam often clashed and resisted the political, cultural, economic, and military domination of the region by the world's major imperial powers. Emadi investigates state, revolution, and development in the Middle Eastern states of Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria in the immediate post-World War II period. Maintaining that the state is an instrument of class domination, exhibiting a certain degree of autonomy in the creation and design of domestic development programs, he details the role of class in an attempt to provide a better understanding of the diverse factors at work. Politics of the Dispossessed provides an alternative analysis of development in regional politics and its context in world politics, aspects that are generally neglected by most mainstream studies. It examines state formation, internal development strategies, and how class conflict and ideology led to class alliance on an international basis, as well as the external interference in the internal affairs of these societies. It also explores the process of political and ethnic integration of the Middle East into the global economic system and the resulting counter-strategies of the nationalist and Islamic resistance to the increasing superpower domination of the international system.

The 2001 invasion of Afghanistan by United States and coalition forces was followed by a flood of aid and development dollars and "experts" representing well over two thousand organisations-each with separate policy initiatives, geopolitical agendas, and socioeconomic interests. This book examines the everyday actions of people associated with this international effort, with a special emphasis on small players: individuals and groups who charted alternative paths outside the existing networks of aid and development. This focus highlights the complexities, complications, and contradictions at the intersection of the everyday and the geopolitical, showing how dominant geopolitical narratives influence daily life in places like Afghanistan-and what happens when the goals of aid workers or the needs of aid recipients do not fit the narrative. Specifically, this book examines the use of gender, "need," and grief as drivers for both common and exceptional responses to geopolitical interventions. Throughout this work, Jennifer L. Fluri and Rachel Lehr describe intimate encounters at a microscale to complicate and dispute the ways in which Afghans and their country have been imagined, described, fetishized, politicized, vilified, and rescued. The authors identify the ways in which Afghan men and women have been narrowly categorized as perpetrators and victims, respectively. They discuss several projects to show how gender and grief became forms of currency that were exchanged for different social, economic, and political opportunities. Such entanglements suggest the power and influence of the United States while illustrating the ways in which individuals and groups have attempted to chart alternative avenues of interaction, intervention, and interpretation.

This study examines how the Iranian revolution, the war in Afghanistan, the Iran-Iraq war and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait affected American security in the Persian Gulf. It shows how regional conflicts in the Middle East made the US better able to protect its own security interests in the area.

In an earlier study, "Toward an Entangling Alliance: American Isolationism, Internationalism, and Europe, 1901-1950," Powaski described the events, factors, and personalities that contributed to the American decision to abandon a century-and-a-half-old isolationist tradition and join an entangling alliance with European nations. This study is a continuation of the story of America's involvement in Europe's security affairs since 1950. In it, Powaski explains why America expanded its military commitment to Europe--including the stationing of U.S. combat forces, both nuclear and conventional, on the continent--and why the U.S. military presence in Europe is now declining. In addition, Powaski describes the issues and personalities that have divided, as well as united, the United States and its European allies, and why, despite these disagreements, America's involvement in the entangling alliance is likely to endure.