Underpinning contemporary political debates and organizational restructuring is a serious rethinking of rights and responsibilities in the roles of governments, communities, companies, and individuals in a civil society. "International Rights and Responsibilities for the Future" provides a foundation for these debates by focusing on the need to reintegrate rights and responsibilities with contributions by authorities engaged in the process. A wide range of notable figures weigh in on the subject: Audrey R. Chapman argues for a revisioning of human rights as an instrument through which interrelated persons shape and reshape a social covenant defining reciprocal rights and responsibilities. Philippa Strum contends that the idea of individual responsibility to the community is central to rights and contract theory, as articulated in the Western tradition. Amitai Etzioni presents the communitarian view of too many rights, too few responsibilities. And David Boaz gives the libertarian view that one fundamental right is the right to live your life as you choose so long as you don't infringe on the equal rights of others. Particular attention is given to the arguments for a new international bill of rights and the issues of peace and security, information and knowledge technologies, the Global Society and knowledge-based development, criminal justice, human rights education, and sustainable development.

Assembling a high profile group of scholars and practitioners, this book investigates the interplay of forecasting; warnings about, and responses to, known and unknown transnational risks. It challenges conventional accounts of 'failures' of warning and preventive policy in both the academic literature and public debate.

Organized around the office of the president, this study focuses on American behavior at home and abroad from the Great Depression to the onset of the end of the Cold War, two key points during which America sought a re-definition of its proper relationship to the world. Domestically, American society continued the process of industrialization and urbanization that had begun in the 19th century. Urban growth accompanied industrialism, and more and more Americans lived in cities. Because of industrial growth and the consequent interest in foreign markets, the United States became a major world power. American actions as a nation, whether as positive attempts to mold events abroad or as negative efforts to enjoy material abundance in relative political isolation, could not help but affect the course of world history.

Under President Hoover, the federal government was still a comparatively small enterprise; challenges of the next six decades would transform it almost beyond belief, touching in one way or another almost every facet of American life. Before the New Deal, few Americans expected the government to do anything for them. By the end of the Second World War and in the aftermath of the Great Depression, however, Americans had turned to Washington for help. Even the popular Reagan presidency of the 1980s, the most conservative since Hoover, would fail to undo the basic New Deal commitment to assist struggling Americans. There would be no turning back the clock, at home or abroad.

This is the first Anglophone volume on emigre scholars' influence on International Relations, uniquely exploring the intellectual development of IR as a discipline and providing a re-reading of some of its almost forgotten founding thinkers.

This book provides the results of a qualitative research study conducted with members of the Israeli-Palestinian peace movement, Combatants for Peace (CFP). CFP is a grass roots organization that was formed in 2005 by Palestinians who were involved in violence on behalf of Palestinian freedom but have now renounced violent means and Israelis who served as combat soldiers in the IDF but now refuse to serve in the occupied territories. In-depth interviews with members of CFP suggest that the decisions to commit to nonviolent action and to join CFP involved a mutually transformative process that influenced understanding and development of both self and Other.

In 2020 the world found itself in a state of flux. A global pandemic disrupted the world order while the digital transformation of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), with its challenges and huge potential benefits, presented a fundamental paradigm shift. How are Africa’s leaders to respond, today?

In a crisis, decisive leadership is imperative for the public good, but as we move beyond the pandemic and confront the changes of the 4IR, we must determine how we will adapt. What is clear is that leadership will have to be grounded in scientific and mathematical thinking and in good governance. It follows, then, that for South Africa to succeed as a nation in the 21st century we must be able to provide our people with an all-embracing education – not just science and technology but human and social sciences as well.

Leading in the 21st Century presents a comprehensive overview of how the world is changing and lessons we can draw from leaders, particularly in the African context. From Charlotte Maxeke and the Rain Queen Modjadji, to Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, Eric Molobi and Richard Maponya, there is much to learn from great leaders. The challenges of the 21st century are immense – from climate change to social media and the digital divide that deepens our understanding of inequality, particularly in the ‘new normal’. South Africa faces not only a shifting global context but a fraught local context of stagnant growth, rising unemployment and deep-seated inequality, worsened in 2020 by the national lockdown necessitated by the coronavirus pandemic. The 4IR offers solutions to many of our most pressing problems and we cannot afford to be left behind.

The certainty is that the 4IR has arrived. The debates lie in how we respond to it. Tshilidzi Marwala deciphers it all, while providing a framework for navigating these shifts.

This book evaluates the extent to which post-conflict reconstruction has addressed problems of horizontal inequalities through country case studies on Burundi, Rwanda, Nepal, Peru, Guatemala, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Afghanistan, and four thematic studies on macro-economic policies, privatisation, PRSP's, and employment generation.

From its sudden emergence as a military force to be reckoned with in Syria and Iraq in June 2014 through its YouTube executions of hostages to its atrocious attacks in Paris in November 2015, the movement variously known as ISIS, Islamic State and Daesh has compelled the world's horrified attention. Where did it come from and how on earth should we respond? This NoNonsense book aims to answer all the questions that people are asking - without jargon and in an easy-to-use FAQ format. It places ISIS in the broader context of the US-led 'war on terror' from the Bush-Blair invasion of Iraq right through to Obama's drone attacks and makes a strong case for responses that build peace and justice rather than feeding the cycle of violence and terror.

Since World War II "victim consciousness" (higaisha ishiki) has been an essential component of Japanese pacifist national identity. In his meticulously crafted narrative and analysis, James Orr reveals how postwar Japanese elites and American occupying authorities collaborated to structure the parameters of remembrance of the war, including the notion that the emperor and his people had been betrayed and duped by militarists. Fluently written and flawlessly executed, The Victim as Hero will contribute greatly to the discourses on nationalism and war responsibility in Japan.

Complicity in International Law aims to analyze questions arising from a state’s complicity in conflict with another state or an international organization. On the basis of international legal provisions, a state that assists the illicit fact of another state or an international organization in turn commits an offense if it is aware of the main fact and is bound by the same obligation. International law offers adumbrates the outcome of a codification process undertaken by the International Law Commission. The practice and its consequences, and the reflections of the doctrine, have matured with regard to the original hypothesis. Several cases of participation in the unlawful conduct of others, for example in facilitating the illicit use of the armed force, or of financial support to states responsible for human rights violations, have been recorded since the period immediately following World War II. International doctrine has long shown great interest in the theme of competition of several subjects in an international illicit act. This is a new phenomenon, given that until recently the issue had been the subject of in-depth analysis in a small number of works, few of which have been monographic in nature. Complicity in International Law will address the issue comprehensively.

At the end of World War II, the international community deemed genocide a crime against humanity. Yet, at the dawn of the twenty-first century it has occurred repeatedly. This book explains why genocide began to occur in the twenty-first century and why the United States has been ineffective at preventing it and stopping it once it occurs.

The study of global governance has often led separate lives within the respective camps of International Political Economy and Foucauldian Studies. Despite vast differences in these approaches, Guzzini and Neumann's study recognises that ongoing changes in global governance go far beyond a proliferation of steering techniques and has a systems-changing potential. As politics becomes increasingly global in character and the number of agents attempting to govern grows, this in-depth range of case studies suggests the emergence of a global polity.

The Cipriano Castro administration, which ruled Venezuela from 1899 to 1908, was characterized by a series of internal and external political crises which seemed capable of toppling it at any moment. In 1901, a number of foreign countries provided financial backing to Castro's former allies, united under the leadership of Manuel Antonio Matos, who almost brought the government down. In the midst of this civil war, Germany, the United Kingdom and later Italy instituted what came to be known as the peaceful blockade of Venezuela to force the government to honor its foreign debts. The claims and counter-claims stemming from the conflict would eventually force the three foreign countries to sever diplomatic relations in the ensuing years.

Far from its portrayal as a nationalist champion, the Castro administration was, in McBeth's findings, more focused on the accumulation of personal wealth than on defense of Venezuelan interests. Castro would pay dearly for his misdeeds, losing power in a 1908 coup to Juan Vicente Gomez and remaining in exile until his death in 1924. The conflict would prove to be a watershed in relations with Latin America, as the United States modified its own foreign policy in response and the European powers became more aware of the limit of their political influence in the region.

'Gripping ... A terrific action narrative' Max Hastings 'Reads like a Tom Clancy thriller, yet every word is true ... This is modern warfare close-up and raw' Andrew Roberts Bestselling and Orwell Prize-winning author Toby Harnden tells the gripping and incredible story of the six-day battle that began the War in Afghanistan and how it set the scene for twenty years of conflict. The West is in shock. Al-Qaeda has struck the US on 9/11 and thousands are dead. Within weeks, UK Special Forces enter the fray in Afghanistan alongside the CIA's Team Alpha and US troops. Victory is swift, but fragile. Hundreds of jihadists surrender and two operatives from Team Alpha enter Qala-i Jangi - the 'Fort of War' - to interrogate them. The prisoners revolt, one CIA man falls, and the other is trapped inside the fort. Seven members of the SBS - elite British Special Forces - volunteer for the rescue force and race into danger and the unknown. The six-day battle that follows proves to be one of the bloodiest of the Afghanistan war as the SBS and their American comrades face an enemy determined to die in the mud citadel. Superbly researched, First Casualty is based on unprecedented access to the CIA, SBS, and US Special Forces. Orwell Prize-winning author Toby Harnden recounts the gripping story of that first battle in Afghanistan and how the haunting foretelling it contained - unreliable allies, ethnic rivalries, suicide attacks, and errant bombs - was ignored, fueling the twenty-year conflict to come.

This new study analyzes Soviet political and economic policies toward East Germany from 1945 to 1955, focusing on the transition from ambivalence to support. In her introduction Phillips outlines the postwar situation and reviews differing interpretations of Soviet policy. She reviews the issues of postwar settlement relating to East Germany and describes the conflicts within the Soviet leadership over German policy. Discussing Soviet economic exploitation of Germany and the harsh reparations policy, she contrasts these developments with the relatively moderate Soviet policies of socialization implemented in the same period, including improved consumption, economic aid, and toleration of private trade and production. She analyzes the factors that undermined the stability of the Ulbricht regime and culminated in the June 1953 uprising, creating an abrupt change of direction in Soviet policy toward the German Democratic Republic and East European bloc that existed prior to 1953. She argues that Soviet policies during the immediate postwar period were ambivalent, serving a mix of political and economic goals that were often incompatible, and that the Soviet commitment to incorporate East Germany into the Soviet bloc was not evident until after mid-1953.

This book is a comprehensive investigation, discussion, and analysis of the origins and development of the first civil war in the Sudan, which occurred between 1955 and1972. It was the culmination of ethnic, racial, cultural, religious, political, and economic problems that had faced the Sudan since the Turco-Egyptian conquest of the country in 1821. The hostilities between the Northern and Southern regions of the Sudan also involved foreign powers that had their own geopolitical interests in the country. The first Sudanese civil war is a classic example of intra-regional and inter-regional conflicts in Africa in the 20th century.

The main point of this book is that biased perceptions of international relations are anchored in a nation's collectively held patriotic self-image, and that these biased international perceptions serve to bolster and perpetuate the patriotic beliefs upon which they are based. This book explores the cognitive structures and processes through which this occurs. Theories and methods from the fields of social and cognitive psychology, cultural anthropology and communication studies are combined to create a useful framework for the analysis of international perceptions. This framework is then applied to American beliefs and perceptions in the post-World War II era.

Hirshberg claims that an American patriotic schema has been a long-standing, stable and pervasive fundamental belief system in American culture, and a cold war schema extended the patriotic schema into world affairs after World War II. He argues that the American patriotic schema is tied in an interactive fashion with ongoing perceptions of international relations. Ultimately, stable, patriotic public perceptions of national greatness and governmental legitimacy function to ensure a supportive and acquiescent public. This helps secure America's impressive level of political stability. This book will be of broad interest to those political scientists and psychologists who occupy the general field of political psychology.

Shahar Hameiri argues that state building interventions are creating a new form of transnationally regulated statehood. Using case-studies from the Asia-Pacific, he analyzes the politics of state building and the implications for contemporary statehood and the global order.

An exploration of the modern history of Bahrain and its international relations, Joyce investigates the country's relations with the US, the UK, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the USSR. Placing today's events in context, she covers the history of tension between Sunni and Shia Bahrainis and concludes with the still-unfolding events of the Arab spring.

From the author's Introduction: Let me start by saying what this book is not.It is not an attack on the men and women of the Clandestine Service of the Central Intelligence Agency, the overwhelming majority of whom are dedicated, patriotic Americans working hard everyday on behalf of their fellow citizens. God knows that they do not do it for the money nor do they do it for the recognition. They do it because they believe in the work, and because they know, as I do, that there really are monsters in the world, and someone has to protect us from them.It is also not an argument against the existence of a central human intelligence collection organization within the United States Government. We desperately needed a central intelligence agency in 1947 when the CIA was created. We even more desperately need such an entity today. The threats facing us are multiplying and becoming more complex. The time horizons in which threats are emerging are shortening. Technology is evolving at an astonishing rate, and we really are fast approaching the day when there will be dozens of groups and nations on this planet capable of threatening us with biological, chemical, radiological and nuclear weapons. This is not pulp fiction. This is reality.This book is an argument that the existing Central Intelligence Agency is no longer capable of performing the task for which it was designed and must, rapidly, be replaced.

What is a 'global polity' and can it be squared with the continued strength of nation-states?
This book argues that our current understanding of globalization makes it impossible to grasp some crucial changes in world politics. Drawing innovatively on both Foucault and Waltz Constructing a Global Polity reframes the debate about global politics by redefining the term 'polity' as a new model of political structure. Unlike hierarchy and anarchy, polity draws attention to how new objects of governance such as the global economy or climate affect the structure of world politics.
Through this new lens the author examines the construction of a global polity in the controversy that followed the dramatic 'anti-globalization' protests at global elite gatherings. The findings challenge the standard typology of positions in the globalization debate and suggest that, even while states remain central, the logic of world politics may be shifting in more subtle ways.

Professor Dunn presents an account of the making of the Japanese peace treaty. He discusses the international environment from the outbreak of World War II to 1950, the San Francisco conference of September 1951 and the security arrangements which the United States helped to create in the Pacific and Asian area.

In this book, Xiaoke Zhang addresses two fundamental political and policy questions: why do politicians have heterogeneous incentives to pursue public-regarding policies through capital market reforms and why do they differ in their abilities to initiate and implement market reform policies decisively and resolutely?

Spanish-Italian Relations and the Influence of the Major Powers examines complex relations between Spain and Italy, beginning in 1943 and continuing until 1957, contending that the relationship cannot be examined in isolation and must be understood in its broader context.

The U.S.-Japan security alliance, which initially focused on Japan's territorial defense and then started to merge with broader U.S. global strategy, now must deal with the rise of Japan's neighbors. This edited volume puts forth an empirically rigorous analysis of the ongoing transformation of the U.S.-Japan alliance. As the Obama administration shifts U.S. foreign policy into a multilateral mode, Japan's neighbors today are more likely to voice their issues concerning the U.S.-Japan alliance. Rigorous analysis of third-party perspectives of the U.S.-Japan alliance are key to helping us understand what external challenges lie ahead in terms of managing this crucial partnership.