The contributors investigate processes of international conflict transformation and peaceful cooperation. They highlight how critical intermediary-level components have proved more conducive to promoting rapprochement between rival states than interstate diplomatic engagement through incremental identity-change.

A thoroughly up-to-date expert analysis of national security issues in the United States, focusing on the dramatic changes brought about by the attacks of September 11, 2001. Written by one of the nation's foremost security policy analysts, the second edition of U.S. National Security: A Reference Handbook follows the trajectory of American security policy from the Cold War to the World Trade Center attacks to the Bush Administration. It brings the distinctive clarity and objectivity of the first edition to the study of a vastly different world. With over 75 percent new material, U.S. National Security, Second Edition provides an up-to-date assessment of security challenges facing the United States today incorporates the full range of viewpoints on the appropriate responses to specific issues. For readers looking for a clear-eyed assessment of the state of our security, the policies that have and haven't worked, and the opportunities and threats that lie ahead, there is no more essential resource available. A chronology of the post-Cold War period with overwhelming emphasis on the post-9/11 era and profiles of the new personalities at home and abroad affecting U.S. national security A thorough bibliography of media on national security, including online resources, websites, media offerings, and books

Yakinthou throws light on the challenges of adopting political settlements in frozen conflicts and divided societies by focusing on the conflict in Cyprus, the resolution of which has for years been held up, in large part by elite intransigence. The book offers answers for why elites in Cyprus are so unwilling to adopt a power-sharing solution.

Decolonization changed the spatial order of the globe, the imagination of men and women around the world and established images of the globe. Both individuals and social groups shaped decolonization itself: this volume puts agency squarely at the center of debate by looking at elites and leaders who changed the course of history across the world.

This volume draws on insights from a diverse group of scholars and practitioners on issues of justice and law and integration, identity and economic development, cultures and community building, and power and peace. The authors reveal the complexity of global justice as a contested ideal and explore the intersection of local and global dynamics that pose challenges to and facilitate paths towards justice's realization.

The Netherlands played a remarkable role during the October War and the oil crisis of 1973. In secret, the Dutch government sent a substantial amount of ammunition and spare parts to Israel. The Dutch supported Israel also politically. Within the EC they vetoed a more pro-Arab policy. The Arab oil producing countries punished The Netherlands by imposing an oil embargo. The embargo against the Netherlands was intimidating. The Netherlands was dependent on Arab oil. The embargo seemed to threaten the Dutch position in the international oil sector. The government introduced several measures to reduce oil consumption. However, within two months it became clear that oil continued to arrive in Rotterdam. There was in fact no oil shortage in the Netherlands. The Netherlands even profited from the oil crisis. The energy situation in The Netherlands was much better than in other West European countries. The Dutch, therefore, rejected French plans for a more interventionist energy policy. Atlanticism and liberalism were the key words of the Dutch policy during the oil crisis. This book is the result of intensive research in all relevant Dutch archives. The authors had free access to all the files they wanted to see. They also used resources from other countries involved. Many politicians were interviewed. The result is a surprising analysis of the oil crisis of 1973, and of the Dutch role in particular.

What does human dignity mean and what role should it play in guiding the mission of international institutions? In recent decades, global institutions have proliferated -- from intergovernmental organizations to hybrid partnerships. The specific missions of these institutions are varied, but is there a common animating principle to inform their goals? Presented as an integrated, thematic analysis that transcends individual contributions, "Human Dignity and the Future of Global Institutions" argues that the concept of human dignity can serve as this principle.

Human dignity consists of the agency of individuals to apply their gifts to thrive, and requires social recognition of each person's inherent value and claim to equal access to opportunity. Contributors examine how traditional and emerging institutions are already advancing human dignity, and then identify strategies to make human dignity more central to the work of global institutions. They explore traditional state-created entities, as well as emergent, hybrid institutions and faith-based organizations. Concluding with a final section that lays out a path for a cross-cultural dialogue on human dignity, the book offers a framework to successfully achieve the transformation of global politics into service of the individual.

State sovereignty is the foundation of international relations. This thought-provoking book explores the gap between seeing sovereignty as either absolute or relative. It argues that state sovereignty is both factual and judicial and that the 'loss' of sovereignty exists only at the margins of the international society. With many interesting real-world examples of ambiguous sovereignty examined, this is an important argument against those who are quick to claim that 'sovereignty' is under assault.

This collection re-examines and re-assesses the role of the semi-periphery in world politics and argues that the processes of globalization have led us to widen our understanding of the semi-periphery, through a range of case studies as well as theoretical chapters.

In the years since the 9/11 attacks, socially constructed understandings of the identity of the United States and its friends and enemies in the world have played a critical role in determining the course of U.S. foreign policy. "Constructing Twenty-First Century U.S. Foreign Policy" argues that American foreign relations under the Bush administration were driven by an ideological agenda derived from a particular interpretation of long-standing ideas about national identity. Drawing on constructivist and social-psychological IR theory, it suggests that these ideas led directly to the administration's choice to invade Iraq, its misunderstanding the kind of war the United States would face there, and its failure to quickly establish a stable democratic government following the invasion.

Drawing on ancient texts and modern interpretations, this work explores the foundations for war in China's strategic culture--"Shih," "Li," and "Tao." "Shih" theory bases strategy on enemy intent, in contrast to Euro-American "Li" strategies based on forces. The work uses "Shih" theory to explain the anomalies that continue to perplex Euro-American observers in modern China's uses of force.

Helsing provides a unique perspective on the escalation of the Vietnam War. He examines what many analysts and former policymakers in the Johnson administration have acknowledged as a crucial factor in the way the United States escalated in Vietnam: Johnson's desire for both guns and butter--his belief that he must stem the advance of communism in Southeast Asia while pursuing a Great Society at home.

He argues that the United States government, the president, and his key advisers in particular engaged in a major pattern of deception in how the United States committed its military force in Vietnam. He then argues that a significant sector of the government was deceived as well. The first half of the book traces and analyzes the pattern of deception from 1964 through July 1965. The second half shows how the military and political decisions to escalate influenced--and were influenced by--the economic advice and policies being given the President. This in-depth analysis will be of particular concern to scholars, students, and researchers involved with U.S. foreign and military policy, the Vietnam War, and Presidential war powers.

In the latter half of the 20th century, a number of dissidents engaged in a series of campaigns against the Soviet authorities and as a result were subjected to an array of cruel and violent punishments. A collection of like-minded activists in Britain campaigned on their behalf, and formed a variety of organizations to publicise their plight. British Human Rights Organizations and Soviet Dissent, 1965-1985 examines the efforts of these activists, exploring how influential their activism was in shaping the wider public awareness of Soviet human rights violations in the context of the Cold War. Mark Hurst explores the British response to Soviet human rights violation, drawing on extensive archival work and interviews with key individuals from the period. This book examines the network of human rights activists in Britain, and demonstrates that in order to be fully understood, the Soviet dissident movement needs to be considered in an international context.

Bassam Tibi offers a radical solution to the problems faced by Islam in a rapidly changing and globalizing world. He proposes a depoliticization of the faith and the introduction of reforms to embrace secular democracy, pluralism, civil society and individual human rights. The alternative to this is the impasse of fundamentalism. The pivotal argument is that Islam is being torn between the pressure for cultural innovation and a defensive move towards the politicization of its symbols for non-religious ends.

This wide-ranging, interdisciplinary analysis blends history, economics, and politics to challenge most of the prevailing accounts of the rise of U.S. militarism. While acknowledging the contributory role of some of the most widely-cited culprits (big oil, neoconservative ideology, the Zionist lobby, and President Bush's world outlook), this study explores the bigger, but largely submerged, picture: the political economy of war and militarism. The study is unique not only for its thorough examination of the economics of military spending, but also for its careful analysis of a series of closely related topics (petroleum, geopolitics, imperialism, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, the war in Iraq, and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict) that may appear as digressions but, in fact, help shed more light on the main investigation.

Few topics are as important in the study of international relations as the causes of wealth and poverty and their impact on militarization. Here, Russett shows the linkages between wealth and conflict both substantively and temporally. This is an important statement about the development of the field, something students and researchers will benefit from greatly.

ROLAND BLEIKER is Professor of International Relations at the University of Queensland, Australia. His previous books include Popular Dissent, Human Agency and Global Politics and Divided Korea: Toward a Culture of Reconciliation. He worked as a Swiss diplomat in the Korean DMZ and held visiting fellowships at Harvard, Cambridge, Humboldt, Tampere, Yonsei and Pusan National University as well as the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology and the Institute of Social Studies in The Hague.

A masterpiece of psychological evaluation of culture, religion, patriotism and rebellion, The Heart of Aryavarta is a penetrating investigation of a complex society at a critical time in its history. At the beginning of the 20th century, India's evolving nationalist movement, led by educated and cultured men such as Gandhi, was gaining strength. The British, whose colonial agencies had dominated Indian life for generations, were unable to fathom this desire for independence. Lawrence Dundas (1876-1961), a statesman and administrator, unlike most of his countrymen, did not contemptuously dismiss this movement, but committed himself to fully understanding the underlying economic and political factors that drove forward its systematic rejection of British rule. However, Dundas takes the discussion much further than politics. Using first-hand observation, as well as in-depth research, he articulates the positive goals of the Indian nationalists, which were founded on the idea of a return to a golden age of peace, wisdom, and fulfilment that existed before the arrival of the colonialists. He also sagaciously analyses the complex social and intellectual mechanisms that regulated, stifled or encouraged the attacks on the institutions of British colonial authority. These mechanisms were often outwardly expressed as religious concepts, some quite startling in their ingenuity. In fact, Dundas believed it was essential to understand these remarkable "myths," and he explains them at length, in a manner that a Westerner can easily comprehend. The author, an aide-de-camp and biographer of the famous Lord Curzon, was extremely unusual, in being a high-ranking political official in India with a scholarly interest in sociology, psychology, metaphysics and history. His studies resulted in a very original analysis of current affairs, social class, educational goals, morality and ethics. One might argue that in certain ways he resembled, and even surpassed, Carl Jung in his interpretation of Indian symbolism and cosmology. The Heart of Aryavarta is an ambitious work that is almost unique in its impressive ability to reconcile the mystical with the political. Despite his position and background, Dundas demonstrates that he has a profound knowledge of the deep-seated human need for social and cultural development free from external interference. He sympathises with the difficulties of the Indian people, and sincerely attempts to see their desire for autonomy from their perspective.

This book meticulously follows the volatile and frequently threatening relationship between the Western powers and the Soviet Union with regard to Berlin. The authors begin their study at that point when the State Department first considered the fate of Berlin during World War II and take the reader through to the 1971 Four Power Agreement that governs the present operation of the city ending with their assessment of its implications for the future. The book provides an in-depth understanding of the 1971 agreement as well as the disputes and interests which defined the major powers' positions on Berlin and, to a large extent, determined the city's post-war fate. The authors examine in detail the negotiations that culminated in the Four Powers Agreement and include much heretofore unpublished information stemming from their personal roles in the negotiating process.

Sutterlin and Klein contend that after the extended period of dangerous tension and confrontation surrounding Berlin after World War II, the four powers have succeeded in defining a modus vivendi for Berlin that has substantially improved the conditions of life for the residents of West Berlin and removed the city as a serious hindrance to the normalization of East-West relations. The book also asserts that the agreement led to more constructive relations between the Soviet Union and the United States in dealing with other world problems. At the same time the authors view the sensitive areas of the quadripartite relationship from the perspective of the East and West Germans presenting a situation less than totally satisfactory. The book assesses the negotiations leading to the 1971 agreement as successful from the Western perspective, and probably from the Soviet Perspective as well. The authors contend that the particular negotiating procedure followed by Henry Kissinger and other U.S. representatives were needlessly deceptive and dangerous as a precedent.

This book analyses the genesis and process through which transatlantic strategic dissonance now defines a divided West. It contends that constructive strategic dissonance has the potential to best manage a complex and pressing global security agenda.
Reflects on the bitter disputes that have crystallized across the Atlantic after 9/11 and the rise of terrorist, WMD and failed state threats.
Structured around the concepts of 'Atlantic', 'Core', 'New' 'Non-aligned' and 'Periphery' Europe that have emerged in the wake of these disputes.
Identifies the trends and factors that have driven and could further propel the Euro-Atlantic security community towards different futures.
Analyses the security policy implications of each scenario for states within this region.

The thirteen original essays in this collection explore the Mexican point of view from the 1920s to the present in order to register often unheard voices in the complex cross-border, cross-cultural reality shared by the two nations. The contributors, all of whom have personal experience with the challenges of bi-cultural and bi-national living, discuss travel writing, novels, film, essays, political cartoons, and Mexican sociocultural movements.

In a time of ever-increasing migration of capital and human beings, this book turns on its head the usual perspective of U.S. economic and cultural dominance in order to deepen understanding of the bi-national relationship.

Documents from the classified papers leaked to Al-Jazeera in January give the clearest account yet of what really goes on in Middle East peace talks, including revealing off-the-record remarks made by Condoleezza Rice, Tony Blair, Mahmoud Abbas, and other key players In January 2011, Al-Jazeera television published 1,600 pages of confidential papers and memoranda from the last five years of peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. This book presents complete texts of a number of the most important papers, along with an analysis that reveals a complex, tortuous, and so far unproductive Palestine-Israeli peace process, in a rare, unfiltered look at a current topic as it unfolds. Issues discussed include the Israeli illegal settlements, the Hamas rockets, the Israeli Wall, the invasion of Gaza, the rights of Palestinian refugees, and the move to define Israel as an exclusively Jewish state. For the first time it is possible to compare public utterances, such as "the settlements must go" from Palestine and "we want the Palestinians to have a viable state" from Israel and the U.S., with the very different views expressed in confidential meetings and memoranda.

Prior to World War I, Britain was at the center of global relations, utilizing tactics of diplomacy as it broke through the old alliances of European states. Historians have regularly interpreted these efforts as a reaction to the aggressive foreign policy of the German Empire. However, as Between Empire and Continent demonstrates, British foreign policy was in fact driven by a nexus of intra-British, continental and imperial motivations. Recreating the often heated public sphere of London at the turn of the twentieth century, this groundbreaking study carefully tracks the alliances, conflicts, and political maneuvering from which British foreign and security policy were born.

Recent scholarship in political thought has closely examined the relationship between European political ideas and colonialism, particularly the ways in which canonical thinkers supported or opposed colonial practices. But little attention has been given to the engagement of colonized political and intellectual actors with European ideas. The essays in this volume demonstrate that a full reckoning of colonialism's effects requires attention to the ways in which colonized intellectuals reacted to, adopted, and transformed these ideas, and to the political projects that their reactions helped to shape. Across nine chapters, a mix of political theorists and intellectual historians grapple with specific thinkers and contexts to show in detail the unpredictable, complex and sometimes paradoxical impact of European ideas in an array of colonial settings. -- .