This book meticulously follows the volatile and frequently threatening relationship between the Western powers and the Soviet Union with regard to Berlin. The authors begin their study at that point when the State Department first considered the fate of Berlin during World War II and take the reader through to the 1971 Four Power Agreement that governs the present operation of the city ending with their assessment of its implications for the future. The book provides an in-depth understanding of the 1971 agreement as well as the disputes and interests which defined the major powers' positions on Berlin and, to a large extent, determined the city's post-war fate. The authors examine in detail the negotiations that culminated in the Four Powers Agreement and include much heretofore unpublished information stemming from their personal roles in the negotiating process.

Sutterlin and Klein contend that after the extended period of dangerous tension and confrontation surrounding Berlin after World War II, the four powers have succeeded in defining a modus vivendi for Berlin that has substantially improved the conditions of life for the residents of West Berlin and removed the city as a serious hindrance to the normalization of East-West relations. The book also asserts that the agreement led to more constructive relations between the Soviet Union and the United States in dealing with other world problems. At the same time the authors view the sensitive areas of the quadripartite relationship from the perspective of the East and West Germans presenting a situation less than totally satisfactory. The book assesses the negotiations leading to the 1971 agreement as successful from the Western perspective, and probably from the Soviet Perspective as well. The authors contend that the particular negotiating procedure followed by Henry Kissinger and other U.S. representatives were needlessly deceptive and dangerous as a precedent.

New from the No.1 Sunday Times bestselling author of Prisoners of Geography; We feel more divided than ever.; This riveting analysis tells you why.; Walls are going up. Nationalism and identity politics are on the rise once more. Thousands of miles of fences and barriers have been erected in the past ten years, and they are redefining our political landscape. ; There are many reasons why we erect walls, because we are divided in many ways: wealth, race, religion, politics. In Europe the ruptures of the past decade threaten not only European unity, but in some countries liberal democracy itself. In China, the Party's need to contain the divisions wrought by capitalism will define the nation's future. In the USA the rationale for the Mexican border wall taps into the fear that the USA will no longer be a white majority country in the course of this century.; Understanding what has divided us, past and present, is essential to understanding much of what's going on in the world today. Covering China; the USA; Israel and Palestine; the Middle East; the Indian Subcontinent; Africa; Europe and the UK, bestselling author Tim Marshall presents a gripping and unflinching analysis of the fault lines that will shape our world for years to come.

This book examines the impact of globalization upon the three constitutive states of North America: Canada, Mexico and the United States. It investigates changes in the structures and practices of federalism, in public policies and practices of governance and politics, and in economic livelihoods in all three nations. It also provides detailed comparisons of the effects of globalization on the political and economic lives of women in each country. The book will devote two chapters to each nation. The first chapter for each nation will provide information about the nature and history of the political system, economic and political practices that excluded people on the basis of race and gender, struggles for inclusion in the 19th and 20th centuries, and a discussion of the contributions that these historic struggles for inclusion have made to the understanding and practice of politics within each nation.

The contributors investigate processes of international conflict transformation and peaceful cooperation. They highlight how critical intermediary-level components have proved more conducive to promoting rapprochement between rival states than interstate diplomatic engagement through incremental identity-change.

This concise volume outlines developments in Hungarian foreign policy since the end of the Communist regime and the formation of the country's democratic coalition. After briefly reviewing Hungary's foreign relations between the wars, the Stalinist period, and the foreign policy principles of Prime Minister Imre Nagy during the 1956 Revolution, Joseph Kun discusses the 1990 elections that confirmed the rejection of Communist rule and the formation of a coalition government with Jozsef Antall as prime minister. Kun describes how the new government's foreign policy is oriented toward the West with the primary aim of establishing closer political and economic ties with the industrial nations. At the same time, Hungary is endeavoring to forge regional alliances in Central Europe to protect the large ethnic Hungarian communities who live in the neighboring Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia. The continuing tensions in Eastern Europe and the Soviet successor states demand the formulation of a firm but flexible foreign policy line. This study gives the specialist and student a sense of the achievements of the Antall government during its first years in office as well as an understanding of the disappointements that a new democracy experiences in its search for contacts in a well-meaning but pragmatic world.

Yakinthou throws light on the challenges of adopting political settlements in frozen conflicts and divided societies by focusing on the conflict in Cyprus, the resolution of which has for years been held up, in large part by elite intransigence. The book offers answers for why elites in Cyprus are so unwilling to adopt a power-sharing solution.

Decolonization changed the spatial order of the globe, the imagination of men and women around the world and established images of the globe. Both individuals and social groups shaped decolonization itself: this volume puts agency squarely at the center of debate by looking at elites and leaders who changed the course of history across the world.

This volume draws on insights from a diverse group of scholars and practitioners on issues of justice and law and integration, identity and economic development, cultures and community building, and power and peace. The authors reveal the complexity of global justice as a contested ideal and explore the intersection of local and global dynamics that pose challenges to and facilitate paths towards justice's realization.

This book looks at Nazi ideology and German foreign policy in the 1920s.

What does human dignity mean and what role should it play in guiding the mission of international institutions? In recent decades, global institutions have proliferated -- from intergovernmental organizations to hybrid partnerships. The specific missions of these institutions are varied, but is there a common animating principle to inform their goals? Presented as an integrated, thematic analysis that transcends individual contributions, "Human Dignity and the Future of Global Institutions" argues that the concept of human dignity can serve as this principle.

Human dignity consists of the agency of individuals to apply their gifts to thrive, and requires social recognition of each person's inherent value and claim to equal access to opportunity. Contributors examine how traditional and emerging institutions are already advancing human dignity, and then identify strategies to make human dignity more central to the work of global institutions. They explore traditional state-created entities, as well as emergent, hybrid institutions and faith-based organizations. Concluding with a final section that lays out a path for a cross-cultural dialogue on human dignity, the book offers a framework to successfully achieve the transformation of global politics into service of the individual.

Foreign policy dominated much of New Labour's time in office and has cast a consistently long shadow over British politics in the period since 1945. Robert Self provides a readable and incisive assessment of the key issues and events from the retreat from empire through the cold war period to humanitarian intervention and the debacle in Iraq. "" "British Foreign and Defence Policy Since 1945 "provides a comprehensive survey of British foreign and defence policy since the Second World War with a full assessment of New Labour's record and legacy.

State sovereignty is the foundation of international relations. This thought-provoking book explores the gap between seeing sovereignty as either absolute or relative. It argues that state sovereignty is both factual and judicial and that the 'loss' of sovereignty exists only at the margins of the international society. With many interesting real-world examples of ambiguous sovereignty examined, this is an important argument against those who are quick to claim that 'sovereignty' is under assault.

This collection re-examines and re-assesses the role of the semi-periphery in world politics and argues that the processes of globalization have led us to widen our understanding of the semi-periphery, through a range of case studies as well as theoretical chapters.

Drawing on ancient texts and modern interpretations, this work explores the foundations for war in China's strategic culture--"Shih," "Li," and "Tao." "Shih" theory bases strategy on enemy intent, in contrast to Euro-American "Li" strategies based on forces. The work uses "Shih" theory to explain the anomalies that continue to perplex Euro-American observers in modern China's uses of force.

Foreshadowing the twentieth-century experience, the Spanish American War was America's first modern foreign war. Catapulting the United States into an international world power, the war had lasting international implications. Besides America's acquisition of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Hawaii, and Guam, the war led the United States to take to the international stage, confronting Germany and Japan (foreshadowing the conflict of World War II), and creating a diplomatic bridge between Great Britain and the United States. For Spain, the 1898-1899 conflict was the death knell of empire, which led to a national crisis culminating in the Spanish Civil War. This volume provides easily accessible information on the naval and army operations, Spanish operations, and the political background to the military events, with an emphasis on future foreign affairs.

The Spanish American War is seminal to an understanding of twentieth-century U.S. foreign relations--in Cuba, the Pacific, especially Japan, and with Great Britain. It is also central to an understanding of twentieth-century Spain. U.S. military history also requires an understanding of amphibious operations, naval and army reform, deployment command and control, and interservice cooperation as reflected in the Spanish American War. This book provides a quick reference to what was once called this splendid little war.

Bassam Tibi offers a radical solution to the problems faced by Islam in a rapidly changing and globalizing world. He proposes a depoliticization of the faith and the introduction of reforms to embrace secular democracy, pluralism, civil society and individual human rights. The alternative to this is the impasse of fundamentalism. The pivotal argument is that Islam is being torn between the pressure for cultural innovation and a defensive move towards the politicization of its symbols for non-religious ends.

This wide-ranging, interdisciplinary analysis blends history, economics, and politics to challenge most of the prevailing accounts of the rise of U.S. militarism. While acknowledging the contributory role of some of the most widely-cited culprits (big oil, neoconservative ideology, the Zionist lobby, and President Bush's world outlook), this study explores the bigger, but largely submerged, picture: the political economy of war and militarism. The study is unique not only for its thorough examination of the economics of military spending, but also for its careful analysis of a series of closely related topics (petroleum, geopolitics, imperialism, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, the war in Iraq, and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict) that may appear as digressions but, in fact, help shed more light on the main investigation.

Few topics are as important in the study of international relations as the causes of wealth and poverty and their impact on militarization. Here, Russett shows the linkages between wealth and conflict both substantively and temporally. This is an important statement about the development of the field, something students and researchers will benefit from greatly.

This study of the political, economic, and sociocultural relationship between the Dominican Republic and the United States follows its evolution from the middle of the nineteenth century to the mid-1990s. It deals with the interplay of these dimensions from each country's perspective and in both private and public interactions. From the U.S. viewpoint, important issues include interpretation of the rise and fall of the Dominican Republic's strategic importance, the legacy of military intervention and occupation, the problem of Dominican dictatorship and instability, and vacillating U.S. efforts to ""democratize"" the country. From the Dominican perspective, the essential themes involve foreign policies adopted from a position of relative weakness, ambivalent love-hate views toward the United States, emphasis on economic interests and the movement of Dominicans between the two countries, international political isolation, the adversarial relationship with neighboring Haiti, and the legacy of dictatorship and the uneven evolution of a Dominican-style democratic system.

An insightful and expert assessment examines how best to end-and avert-wars. How do we avoid war? To arrive at an answer, master analyst Richard Weitz explores the ways nations, international organizations, and individuals have sought to bring order to an inherently disorderly phenomenon-potential and actual violent conflict among organized political entities. Specifically, War and Governance: International Security in a Changing World Order analyzes a number of critical issues such as whether regional security institutions have distinct advantages and liabilities in promoting international security, as compared with universal organizations like the United Nations. Other important questions are addressed, as well. How will international organizations, such as the UN, EU, and NATO, change the nature of war in the 21st century-and be changed by it? What role might less formal institutions and nongovernmental organizations play in peacemaking? Will the nation-state remain the most important international security actor? The book ends with a gap analysis that identifies incongruities between international needs and capabilities-and suggests ways to overcome them. Short case studies A survey of key institutions and sub-organizations Maps

In order to overcome the deep conflict dividing contemporary social scientists, "The Soviet Union: Internal and External Perspectives on Soviet Society" analyzes Soviet society as a "hard reality" with many objective traits such as the omnipresent state, political repression, and the state monopoly on the economy, education, and culture. While emphasizing the existence of objective social reality and the possibility of its absolute depiction, the authors also explore the relative value of social knowledge and assign equal value to multiple perceptions and interpretations. The authors also show the different perceptions of Soviet society in the Soviet Union and in the United States. Ultimately the book seeks to prove that the most accurate depictions of Soviet reality were the ones most critical in nature. At the same time the authors demonstrate that the praises and glorifications of the Soviet Union are useful for the better understanding of this fascinating society.

The rapprochment between France and the Federal Republic of Germany five years after the end of World War II was the cornerstone of all subsequent Western European history. Their previous hostility was a basis for arms races and wars--their friendship, the foundation for continually widening European economic and now political community. The unexpected reunification of Germany in 1990 sent shock waves through the French political class. Julius W. Friend explains the present French-German relationship, first investigating the recent past, then laying out the problems of the present and foreseeable future. Each chapter follows the history of the French-German relationship in the postwar period, covering the DeGaulle-Adenauer collaboration, the economic power of West Germany and its policy toward the East (and their effects on France), socialist governments in both countries, and French reactions toward the events of late 1989 in East Germany--and the initial reticence of the French to accept German reunification. The book concludes with the widely posed question of whether France is the big loser in regard to the recent events in Germany. Are France and Germany together still the linchpin of a stable Europe and the European Community? Do the countries still need each other? Friend's volume attempts to answer these and other intriguing questions, suggesting a European agenda for the next decade. The Linchpin is essential reading for political scientists, European studies scholars and students, and others examining the dynamics of a crucial inter-country relationship in the new Europe.

A masterpiece of psychological evaluation of culture, religion, patriotism and rebellion, The Heart of Aryavarta is a penetrating investigation of a complex society at a critical time in its history. At the beginning of the 20th century, India's evolving nationalist movement, led by educated and cultured men such as Gandhi, was gaining strength. The British, whose colonial agencies had dominated Indian life for generations, were unable to fathom this desire for independence. Lawrence Dundas (1876-1961), a statesman and administrator, unlike most of his countrymen, did not contemptuously dismiss this movement, but committed himself to fully understanding the underlying economic and political factors that drove forward its systematic rejection of British rule. However, Dundas takes the discussion much further than politics. Using first-hand observation, as well as in-depth research, he articulates the positive goals of the Indian nationalists, which were founded on the idea of a return to a golden age of peace, wisdom, and fulfilment that existed before the arrival of the colonialists. He also sagaciously analyses the complex social and intellectual mechanisms that regulated, stifled or encouraged the attacks on the institutions of British colonial authority. These mechanisms were often outwardly expressed as religious concepts, some quite startling in their ingenuity. In fact, Dundas believed it was essential to understand these remarkable "myths," and he explains them at length, in a manner that a Westerner can easily comprehend. The author, an aide-de-camp and biographer of the famous Lord Curzon, was extremely unusual, in being a high-ranking political official in India with a scholarly interest in sociology, psychology, metaphysics and history. His studies resulted in a very original analysis of current affairs, social class, educational goals, morality and ethics. One might argue that in certain ways he resembled, and even surpassed, Carl Jung in his interpretation of Indian symbolism and cosmology. The Heart of Aryavarta is an ambitious work that is almost unique in its impressive ability to reconcile the mystical with the political. Despite his position and background, Dundas demonstrates that he has a profound knowledge of the deep-seated human need for social and cultural development free from external interference. He sympathises with the difficulties of the Indian people, and sincerely attempts to see their desire for autonomy from their perspective.

"Surviving the Millennium" traces the rise of the U.S.-Soviet antagonism from its roots in the U.S.-tsarist Russian relationship and critically reexamines U.S. containment strategy during the Cold War. The book then focuses on the new U.S. and Russian interrelationship with Germany, Japan, China, the European Community, and other key actors such as Iran, Turkey, India, the Koreas, and Ukraine. Despite the end of the Cold War, Gardner contends that U.S.-Russian relations are still characterized by games of encirclement and counter-encirclement; that the two powers have yet to move beyond detente and forge a full-fledged entente.