The Power of Interdependence challenges dominant views in global affairs, that individual countries maintain control over the international system. It advances an alternative possibility, that in fact, the power of individual countries is now being matched and at times consumed by the power of supranational organizations, which are international bodies made-up of several independent countries. The book uses detailed accounts, with insider classified data, of multinational interventions in select countries in Africa to demonstrate the shift in the global affairs. The text gives a rare look inside the inner-workings of coercive diplomacy in understudied area and new way of looking at our world.

This text offers a review of historical traditions of international ethical and political theory in the light of modern developments in political philosophy. McCarthy provides a defence of natural law tradition, and in response to the criticism of natural law that, along with Kantianism, it is too abstract to produce a substantive account of justice and rights, constructs an argument for basic, agency-grounded rights. Through his study, the author attacks "realism" and the modern "cosmopolitan" theories that have been too little debated.

This book seeks to afford an objective, incisive insight into China. Written by a veteran Indian analyst with over 25 years of experience monitoring developments relating to contemporary China, it is an attempt to inform and promote understanding of China's policies and actions and, especially, the implications for India. The 32 essays that comprise the book present a comprehensive tour de horizon of present day China ranging across a variety of subjects. Each of the aspects touched upon have direct relevance for the international community and particularly for India and the Asia Pacific region. The first section deals exclusively with China's currently evolving internal political situation. The outline sketches of China's two top leaders suggest their personalities influence Beijing's policies and that China's domestic and foreign policies will undoubtedly bear their imprimatur. Other articles examine the equally important and rapidly evolving political scenario in China, especially concerning the selection of cadres to the Chinese Communist Party's highest echelons. The absence of veteran leaders of pre-eminence and unquestioned authority has accentuated competition within the Chinese Communist Party and indicators of potential discord, like the political upheaval involving ex-Politburo member Bo Xilai, have been identified. The book notes the attempt by China's leadership to rearrange national economic developmental priorities to remain competitive in a changing international environment. Two articles assess the implications of China's maritime ambitions and Cyber strategy, both of which are centerpieces of China's military strategy. Other articles discuss in detail the IndiaChina relationship, China's relations with some of India's neighbours, and Sino-US relations. A subject usually less focused upon though of vital strategic importance to India, namely China's strategy regarding Tibetan Buddhists and the Dalai Lama, is scrutinized in the book's concluding section. This includes the developmental activity in Tibet and plans to divert the waters of the Brahmaputra, both of which have a serious potential to impact on India. For the facility of easy reading, this book contains no citations or references.

Troy analyses how the understanding of religion in Realism and the English School helps in working towards the greater good in international relations, studying religion within the overall framework of international affairs and the field of peace studies.

America's relationship with Pakistan has a profound impact on combating terrorism, nuclear security, oil, energy transportation, and strategic calculus in Asia and Europe. The relationship has been volatile: never vibrant or restive, but resilient, turbulent, and unreliable. The biggest dangers for Pakistan come from radical Islam - a threat which is spreading to Pakistan's neighbours and beyond. Pakistan has been allegedly named, even by Pakistanis, the most dangerous country in the world. Pakistan's strategic policies have been India-centric since its birth in 1947, and its relation with America is determined not by alliances with America but by America's relation with India.

This book explores the absent and missing in debates about science and security. Through varied case studies, including biological and chemical weapons control, science journalism, nanotechnology research and neuroethics, the contributors explore how matters become absent, ignored or forgotten and the implications for ethics, policy and society.The chapter 'Sensing Absence: How to See What Isn't There in the Study of Science and Security' is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license via link.springer.com.

The current challenges and potential future of peacekeeping in an increasingly complex world take center stage in this far-reaching collection. Contributors advance a nuanced picture of post-conflict environments across different areas of the globe while considering possible deployments of peacekeeping, traditional military and UN forces in semi-autonomous complementary roles. Longstanding debate topics such as the need for a standing UN army and the field implementation of global right-to-protect concepts are discussed, as are emerging ideas in civilian protection, atrocity prevention and balancing triage operations with long-term peacebuilding efforts. Other dispatches chronicle key issues and concerns regarding peacekeeping operations in Brazil, China and diverse regions of Africa. Included in the coverage: Protecting strangers: reflections on a cosmopolitan peacekeeping capacity. Towards a standing UN force for peacekeeping. Challenges posed by intervention brigades and other coercive measures in support of the protection of civilians. Addressing the criminal accountability of peacekeepers. The evolution of China's role in peacekeeping and atrocity crime prevention. Businesses and investors as stakeholders in atrocity crime prevention. Multiple viewpoints, a global scope and real-world clarity make Perspectives on Peacekeeping and Atrocity Prevention an invaluable resource to advance the work of humanitarians, criminologists and students of and professionals in international relations. "This collection of articles effectively points to the challenges, complexities and sensitivities of preventing and halting mass atrocity crimes in part through the use of UN peacekeeping operations. The volume also inspires further efforts, including the integration of new and younger stakeholders, to mitigate massive human rights crimes and fully implement the Responsibility to Protect." Dr. Gyoergy Tatar Chair, Budapest Centre for the International Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities "In a refreshing and engaging manner, this edited volume represents a much-needed contribution to the debate on how best to address current security threats given the limitations and the possibilities of peacekeeping and atrocity prevention. A compelling feature of the book is its exploration of often-neglected stakeholder perspectives alongside first-hand knowledge of the UN system and astute academic observations of key peacekeeping concepts, mandates and practices. Each chapter's concluding recommendations invite scholars and policy makers to critically interrogate their own beliefs, assumptions and preferred solutions for keeping the peace and preventing mass atrocity violence." Dr. Maria Stern Professor in Peace and Development Studies, School of Global Studies University of Gothenburg

In Ethnic Identity and Minority Protection: Designation, Discrimination, and Brutalization, Thomas W. Simon examines a new framework for considering ethnic conflicts. In contrast to the more traditional theories of justice, Simon's theory of injustice shifts focus away from group identity toward group harms, effectively making many problems, such as how to define minorities in international law, dramatically more manageable. Simon argues that instead of promoting legislative devices like proportional representation for minorities, it is more fruitful to seek adjudicative solutions to racial and ethnic-related conflicts. For example, resources could be shifted to quasi-judicial human-rights treaty bodies that have adopted an injustice approach. This injustice approach provides the foundation for Kosovo's case for remedial secession, and helps to sort out the competing entitlement claims of Malays in different countries. Indeed, the priority of Thomas W. Simon's Ethnic Identity and Minority Protection is to ensure the tales of designation and discrimination told at the beginning of the work do not become the stories of brutalization told at the end. In short, the challenge tackled in this text is to assure that reason reigns over hate.

What happened then to the intellectuals who spent their life working and writing about the Cold War when the conflict ended in 1991? Looking at one of the most emblematic American think tanks in recent history, the RAND Corporation, Samaan provides key insights on the evolution of strategic studies in the US in the last two decades. Based on numerous interviews and exclusive archives, this is a detailed analysis of RAND's intellectual and corporate development. But beyond this specific case study, the book is more than a historical portray of a American research center. Through RAND and its relationship with the American military, the author seeks to understand the rules of the 'field' of strategic studies in the United States. Moreover this work allows the readers to better comprehend the way the elements driving the US defense policies since 1989 - the political uncertainty and its doctrinal consequences - shaped major international events in the last two decades.

This work relates the policy of appeasement to the personal beliefs and decisions of those responsible for foreign policy. Using Robert Hadow, First Secretary in the Foreign Office, as an example of an appeaser, this approach aims to demonstrate how intelligent and capable men in Britain fell victim to a policy which, to many still, in retrospect, appears blind and irrational. An examination of Hadow's fear of war, his reaction to communism, his sympathy for the German minority in Czechoslovakia, and his actions inside and outside the Foreign Office in pursuit of appeasement is made in this book through detailed research of Hadow's public and private papers. By following the course of Hadow's career and the working of his mind in the 1930s, this study explains the thinking behind a policy associated with Britain on the eve of World War II.

Drawing together articles from the new online journal The Asan Forum, commissioned from leading experts in the USA, Japan, and South Korea, this book reconsiders what we thought we knew about the three legs of this alliance triangle.

The Art of Transitional Justice examines the relationship between transitional justice and the practices of art associated with it. Art, which includes theater, literature, photography, and film, has been integral to the understanding of the issues faced in situations of transitional justice as well as other issues arising out of conflict and mass atrocity. The chapters in this volume take up this understanding and its demands of transitional justice in situations in several countries: Afghanistan, Serbia, Srebenica, Rwanda, Northern Ireland, Cambodia, as well as the experiences of resulting diasporic communities. In doing so, it brings to bear the insights from scholars, civil society groups, and art practitioners, as well as interdisciplinary collaborations.

This edited volume explores the different ways in which members of the European Union have interacted with Kosovo since it declared independence in 2008. While there is a tendency to think of EU states in terms of two distinct groups - those that have recognised Kosovo and those that have not - the picture is more complex. Taking into account also the quality and scope of their engagement with Kosovo, there are four broad categories of member states that can be distinguished: the strong and weak recognisers and the soft and hard non-recognisers. In addition to casting valuable light on the relations between various EU members and Kosovo, this book also makes an important contribution to the way in which the concepts of recognition and engagement, and their relationship to each other, are understood in academic circles and by policy makers.

Before the end of the present century the population of China - currently around 1.4 billion - is forecast to drop to around half that level as a major and unprecedented demographic crisis begins to bite. Its working-age population has already stopped growing and is now well into a process of contraction. Increasing longevity means that by the 2050s there will be more than 400 million Chinese citizens over the age of 65 - with little provision for their care in a society where a single child is now the norm. The ratio of the retired to those working is steadily rising, putting pressure on families and the public finances. Years of preference for a male child has seen the creation of a skewed sex ratio at birth that already guarantees well over 50 million surplus adult males, unmarried and unhappy, in the coming years. This is more than the entire male population of Germany. The state has previously sought to impose its will on reproduction, but Chinese families experienced a sharply reduced birthrate even before the introduction of the notorious one-child policy. And despite the lifting of restrictions on the number of children allowed, births remain stubbornly low. As Timothy Beardson shows in this timely and fascinating new book, the Chinese people have largely ignored official policy, as trends in urbanization, employment and education alter traditional demographic patterns. China in fact reflects a clearly identifiable shift in the whole world of moving from high to low fertility. This book is the first to examine in detail China's demographic history and the impending crisis that will see more people in the United States by 2100 than in China. It explains how China's ageing and shrinking population will affect such widely disparate areas as the ethics of business, artificial intelligence and the combat-worthiness of the military - not to mention China's overall place in the modern world.

In the interwar years, a group of reform-minded American scholars of international law, such as Quincy Wright and Manley Hudson, challenged traditional international law and strove to establish a 'new' international law in which outlawry of war was institutionalized. They highly valued the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Kellogg-Briand Pact and presented legal arguments in support of them. These scholars were activists in their efforts to promote their views to policy makers and the public. In the US international law community, however, a different group of scholars, notably Edwin Borchard, vehemently opposed the progressive scholars. US International Lawyers in the Interwar Years chronicles those involved in the debate and provides a detailed account of their scholarly works and activities that hitherto have not had the recognition that they deserve.

Image Warfare in the War on Terror provides an innovative re-examination of the war on terror. It argues that since 11 September 2001 image warfare has replaced techno-war as the dominant warfighting model. Roger suggests that it is a form of warfare in which Al Qaeda currently dominates while the West is still playing catch-up. By dealing frankly with the deployment of disturbing images generated by the 9/11 attacks - from bin Laden videos, suicide terrorism and hostage executions to prisoner abuses, Roger provides us with a new vocabulary through which these acts can be discussed and understood.

This book offers the first comprehensive assessment, from an International Relations perspective, of image warfare. Through engagement with IR, Media Studies and Visual Culture literatures, Roger introduces three new conceptual terms 'image munitions', 'counter-image munitions' and 'remediation battles'. These terms are then explored in chapters about political communications concerning Bush, Blair and bin Laden; suicides; executions and abuses.

Following up on Donna Starr-Deelen's previous book Presidential Policies on Terrorism: From Ronald Reagan to Barack Obama (Palgrave, 2014), this book compares and contrasts the approach of the Obama administration with the Trump administration regarding national security and counter-terrorism. It provides an overview of counter-terrorism in the Obama era and then moves to the rise of ISIS and the Syrian civil war, ending with an analysis of the new Trump administration's national security policies.

This book is about China's ambitions in its most complex and internationally visible space endeavor, namely its human space exploration programme. It provides a comprehensive reflection on Chinas strategic direction and objectives in space, including in particular those set forth in its human spaceflight programme and analyses the key domestic and external factors affecting the country's presumed manned lunar ambitions. The objective of the book is to disentangle the opportunities and challenges Chinas space ambitions are creating for other spacefaring nations and for Europe in particular. It therefore includes an in-depth analysis of possible European postures towards China in space exploration and seeks to stimulate a debate on future space strategies in the broader context of world politics.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on bloomsburycollections.com. The global economic crisis of 2008-2009 exposed systemic failings at the core of economic policy making worldwide. The crisis came on top of several other crises, including skyrocketing and highly volatile world food and energy prices and climate change. This book argues that new policy approaches are needed to address such devastating global development challenges and to avoid the potentially catastrophic consequences to livelihoods worldwide that would result from present approaches. The contributors to the book are independent development experts, brought together by the UN to identify a development strategy capable of promoting a broad-based economic recovery and at the same time guaranteeing social equity and environmental sustainability both within countries and internationally. This new development approach seeks to promote the reforms needed to improve global governance, providing a more equitable distribution of global public goods. The contributors offer a critical evaluation of past development experiences and report on their creative search for new and well-thought out answers for the future. They suggest that economic progress, fairer societies and environmental sustainability can be compatible objectives, but only when pursued simultaneously by all.

This book analyses the discourse on Pakistan by exploring the knowledge production processes through which the International Relations community, Asian and South Asian area study centres, and think-tanks construct Pakistan's identity. This book does not attempt to trace how Pakistan has been historically defined, explained, or understood by the International Relations interpretive communities or to supplant these understandings with the author's version of what Pakistan is. Instead, this study focuses on investigating how the identity of Pakistan is fixed or stabilized via practices of the interpretive communities. In other words, this book attempts to address the following questions: How is the knowledge on Pakistan produced discursively? How is this knowledge represented in the writings on Pakistan? What are the conditions under which it is possible to make authoritative claims about Pakistan?

From the Cold War to the Persian Gulf War, the high drama of America's contemporary foreign policy crises comes to life in this collection of primary documents designed for use by high school and college students. The comprehensive work dramatizes, through memoirs and diaries of the major players as well as key public documents, eight major crises: The Origins of the Cold War, the Berlin Blockade of 1948-49, the Korean War, the Berlin Crises of 1958 and 1961, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Vietnam War, the Iranian Hostage Crisis of 1979-80, and the 1991 Persian Gulf War with Iraq. The selection of documents for each crisis dramatizes the tension between the opposing nations and illuminates the process of decision-making by U.S. policymakers. Meticulously culled from a wide variety of sources and voices, many of the 382 documents are available in no other resource. Following a general introduction on contemporary American foreign relations, each crisis begins with a narrative introduction and chronology of events. The story of each crisis unfolds through chronologically organized documents, each of which is preceded by an explanatory headnote. The section on each crisis concludes with a suggested reading list. Among the variety of voices heard are memoirs and official statements of every president from Truman to Bush, and memoirs, diaries, and reminiscences of key players including General Douglas MacArthur, Dean Acheson, Robert Kennedy, Henry Kissinger, Nikita Krushchev, Andrei Gromyko, the Shah of Iran, and Generals Norman Schwarzkopf and Colin Powell. The variety of documents includes government reports and policy statements, private correspondence and memos, laws, speeches, positionstatements of interest groups, treaties and agreements, CIA directives, and interviews with key players. This basic research tool provides students with a rich panoply of voices, viewpoints, and key public documents that illuminate a crucial period in American and world history.

An investigation of the postsecular in International Relations and how an increasingly postsecular international politics is contributing to the emergence of new patterns of authority, legitimacy and power in the international system.

Britain and the Last Tsar is a fundamental re-interpretation of British foreign and defence policy before the First World War. The current orthodoxy asserts that the rise of an aggressive and powerful Germany forced Britain - a declining power - to abandon her traditional policy of avoiding alliances and to enter into alliance with Japan (1902), France (1904), and Russia (1907) in order to contain the German menace. In a controversial rejection of this theory, Keith Neilson argues that Britain was the pre-eminent world power in 1914 and that Russia, not Germany, was the principal long-term threat to Britain's global position. This original and important study shows that only by examining Anglo-Russian relations and eliminating an undue emphasis on Anglo-German affairs can an accurate picture of Britain's foreign and defence policy before 1914 be gained.

The extent of Islamicity, or what Islam demands, is measured to confirm that self-declared Muslim countries have not adopted foundational Islamic teachings for rule-compliant Muslim communities. Western countries, on the other hand, are demonstrated to have better implemented fundamental Islamic teachings for a thriving society.