Violent behavior has become deeply integrated into modern society and it is an unavoidable aspect of human nature. Examining peacemaking strategies through a critical and academic perspective can assist in resolving violence in societies around the world. The Handbook of Research on Examining Global Peacemaking in the Digital Age is a pivotal reference source for the latest research findings on the utilization of peacemaking in media, leadership, and religion. Featuring extensive coverage on relevant areas such as human rights, spirituality, and the Summer of Peace, this publication is an ideal resource for policymakers, universities and colleges, graduate-level students, and organizations seeking current research on the application of conflict resolution and international negotiation.

The Indian Ocean region has rapidly emerged as a hinge point in the changing global balance of power and the geographic nexus of economic and security issues with vital global consequences. The security of energy supplies, persistent poverty and its contribution to political extremism, piracy, and related threats to seaborne trade, competing nuclear powers, and possibly the scene of future clashes between rising great powers India and China-all are dangers in the waters or in the littoral states of the Indian Ocean region. This volume, one of the first attempts to treat the Indian Ocean Region in a coherent fashion, captures the spectrum of cooperation and competition in the Indian Ocean Region. Contributors discuss points of cooperation and competition in a region that stretches from East Africa, to Singapore, to Australia, and assess the regional interests of China, India, Pakistan, and the United States. Chapters review possible "red lines" for Chinese security in the region, India's naval ambitions, Pakistan's maritime security, and threats from non-state actors-terrorists, pirates, and criminal groups-who challenge security on the ocean for all states. This volume will interest academics, professionals, and researchers with interests in international relations, Asian security, and maritime studies.

Among the intelligence failures that came to light after the attacks of September 11, there was one that did not result from the failures of spying, decoding secret messages, or interagency communication. Rather, it arose merely from not paying sufficient attention to circumstances that were relatively out in the open—the simmering anti-Western rage that had been swelling up in Saudi Arabia in the 1990s. Mark Caudill was there, in the ancient Hejazi port city of Jeddah, at a critical time. From September 1999 to July 2002 he served as an American diplomat at the U.S. Consulate General. Engaged in cultural research, he wrote dispatches to his superiors in the U.S. State Department about what he learned of the Saudis from participating in the most important rituals and activities of their lives. His unclassified essays served as the inspiration for this enlightening book. Now everyone can learn what the U.S. government knew about Saudi society, and when they knew it. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, many intelligence failures have come to light. The United States has become obsessed with who knew what when, and with why the various warnings weren't pieced together, why agencies failed to coordinate, and who is to blame. Asked less frequently, lost in a sea of details, is the question of how and why we failed to pay attention to the simmering anti-Western rage that had been swelling up in Saudi Arabia in the 1990s, as their economy sputtered, their youth sat idle, and their oil profits enriched the already wealthy and did nothing for the vast majority. As the United States government and the Saudi royal family cemented their ties and became closer than ever, young extremists who felt betrayed by the Saudi government concentrated their anger on the Americans, partly because it was safer than criticizing their own authoritarian government. Although many of the ranters engaged in anti-American trash talking for sport, some meant what they said, and some acted, with tragic consequences. Mark Caudill was there, in the ancient Hejazi port city of Jeddah, the Kingdom's commercial capital, at a critical time. From September 1999 to July 2002, he served as an American diplomat at the U.S. Consulate General. He was engaged in cultural research, one might say, writing dispatches to his superiors in the U.S. State Department about what he learned of the Saudis from participating in the most important rituals and activities of their lives. A converted Muslim who could pass for Syrian due to his appearance, he was often incognito, attending weddings, funerals, and the pilgrimage to Mecca; visiting markets, mosques, and holy cities; and learning all the while about this all-too-little understood ally of ours. His unclassified essays served as the inspiration for this enlightening book, and now we can all learn what the U.S. government knew about Saudi society, and when they knew it.

Looking further than other histories and interpretations of US foreign policy from 1890 to the present, this collection of critiques of US power does not assume that the world is always centred around Washington. Instead, the authors describe and evaluate an America that not only possesses great political, military, and economic power but faces growing challenges to that power, not through 'terrorism' or economic collapse, but through the evolving conceptions of others who do not necessarily see the world as one where Washington leads and others follow. The scholars in Challenging US Foreign Policy do not present their analyses as 'pro-American' or 'anti-American'. In their considerations - from the Philippines to the Middle East to Latin America, from the economy to warplanes to human rights - they do not see the world as ordered by an American exceptionalism. The picture they paint is one beyond George W. Bush's 2001 declaration of power, 'You are with us or you are with the terrorists.'

The Politics of Private Security is the first in-depth conceptual and empirical analysis of the political issues, processes and themes associated with private security provision. It not only offers a new narrative about the rise of private security in the postwar era, but also facilitates the development of a much more sophisticated social-scientific understanding of this significant trend. Drawing upon a wealth of historical and contemporary data, it advances original answers to the following key questions. How have private security companies become so prominent? What motivates them? What is their relationship with the state? How can they be controlled? And what does their increasingly ubiquitous presence in twenty-first century society tell us about the future of security provision?

This International Handbook gives an overview of India 's international relations, given the development of India as a major economic power in the world, and the growing interest in the impact of Asia on the international system in the future. Edited by David Scott of Brunel University, and with chapters written by a variety of experts, the Handbook of India 's International Relations offers an up-to-date, unbiased and comprehensive resource to academics, students of international relations, business people, media professionals and the general reader.
There is a pre-publication price on this title. The price rises to 150 three months after publication.

The new security challenges that have arisen as a result of the rise in prominence of global terrorism have presented the European Union with a unique opportunity to rebrand itself as dominant force on the international stage. Traditionally viewed as a weak actor, it efforts to promote intelligence-sharing and by instituting wide-ranging cooperation between national police forces have ensured that the EU is well-placed to combat the challenges posed by global terrorism and have given it renewed vigour as an international actor. Through contributions from experts on the EU and global security, this book discusses the measures taken by the European Union to counter terrorism at a both national and global level as well as drawing wider conclusions on the nature and success of the confederation as an international security actor focusing specifically on JHA policy. This volume provides an original and much needed contribution to the literature on EU security governance at the global level.

Through the use of a poststructuralist perspective, Antony O'Loughlin challenges the most basic tenets of International Relations Theory and deploys Rawlsian ideas of public reason in conjunction with Kratochwil's conceptions of practical reason in order to put forward a theory that overcomes the challenges posed by poststructuralism.

Surveillance is a key notion for understanding power and control in the modern world, but it has been curiously neglected by historians of science and technology. Using the overarching concept of the "surveillance imperative," this collection of essays offers a new window on the evolution of the environmental sciences during and after the Cold War.

U.S. and German export control policies are compared, showing how these policies have responded to the changes in the international environment, including the end of the Cold War. The policy differences are explained through an analysis of differences in state interests and external constraints, state strategies, domestic support for export controls, and institutional constraints on policy change. The conclusion put forward is that despite a partial convergence of U.S. and German export control policies in the 1990s, diplomatic conflicts between the U.S. and European governments over export control issues will continue to erupt.

Of the many challenges that society faces today, possibly none is more acute than the security of ordinary citizens when faced with a variety of natural or man-made disasters arising from climate and geological catastrophes, including the depletion of natural resources, environmental degradation, food shortages, terrorism, breaches of personal security and human security, or even the global economic crisis. States continue to be faced with a range of security issues arising from contested territorial spaces, military and maritime security and security threats relating to energy, infrastructure and the delivery of essential services. The theme of the book encompasses issues of human, political, military, socio-economic, environmental and energy security and raises two main questions. To what extent can international law address the types of natural and man-made security risks and challenges that threaten our livelihood, or very existence, in the twenty-first century? Where does international law fall short in meeting the problems that arise in different situations of insecurity and how should such shortcomings be addressed?

It is increasingly important to understand the complexity of central and southeastern Europe following the enlargement of NATO into Central Europe, the ongoing problems of the Balkans, and the subsequent focus of global attention on the entire region. Gardner brings together exceptional French and Eastern European scholars who present first-hand accounts of their experience and knowledge of the region. Each provides differing political, social, cultural, and economic perspectives on Central and Southeastern Europe.

The volume begins with a general discussion of the place of central and southeastern Europe in the greater scheme of European history. This is followed by an examination of the western European and Russian attitudes toward the Balkans, and the largely ignored affects of the Ottoman empire on the Balkans. The importance of culture and the crucial role it played in undermining both the theory and practice of communism is explored. The impact of the media is then examined in two chapters that look at the process of media liberalization in the context of each country's political situation and the particular problems the media faces in the region. The focus shifts to the role of finance capital and its impact in emerging privatized economies. How the global drug wars affect the Balkan region are also explored. The ecological damage to Central and eastern Europe and Russia caused by the communist system is detailed, and the volume ends with a look at the complexity of factors that led NATO to enlarge into Central Europe and intervene in Bosnia and Kosovo. This wide-ranging collection will be of particular interest to scholars and researchers involved with all facets of contemporary central and eastern European life.

The first comprehensive account of British policy towards China, Japan and Korea from the final stages of the Second World War to the outbreak of the Korean War, placed in the broader context of Far Eastern developments, the beginnings of the Cold War, dealings with the Commonwealth and, above all, relations with the United States. Based upon research in British, American and Australian archives, this book examines the tensions that emerged within the Anglo-American relationship as the United States sought to dominate the East Asian agenda and Britain agonised over the international role it should play in the region. That tension intensified over what the British perceived as an American failure to devise a post-war plan for East Asia other than the containment of Japan. As Communist threats inside China and Korea gained momentum, Britain, with valuable Far Eastern interests to protect, could not afford the Asian mainland to turn 'red' and found itself drawn increasingly into East Asian affairs far more than it desired.

Startling changes are taking place in Western Europe; this study argues that the U.S. strategic response should be no less dramatic. Michael J. Collins describes a creation of a new type of political organization--a new way for nations to integrate themselves politically in Western Europe--and contends that this new model is dynamic enough to rival older historical paradigms. Western Europeans are making massive changes in their international arrangements, with each other and the outside world, to permit a natural evolution of national cultures along with the development of an intra-European culture. This changing political and economic situation in Europe has already affected the way the United States looks at the world diplomatically, and it may soon alter the general thrust of U.S. military strategy with regard to NATO. Europeans and Americans alike are questioning how much longer a united Europe can expect American troops to defend them against the Soviet Union, now that the Cold War era has ended. U.S. military strategy must change because the world is changing, and the increasing power of Western Europe is a major factor in the equation.

Collins concludes that the Common Market Countries can no longer be understood as a simple collection of nation-states joined in a cartel or economic alliance, calling for a change in U.S. foreign policy and strategy. Chapter 1 describes the developments in Western Europe since World War II. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss how the new Western European alliance interacts along both military and political lines. Chapter Four describes the character of Western Europe and the replacement of the nation-state concept with a new flexibility in dealing with each other and the surrender of sovereignty by the constituent states in limited but decisive areas. The final two chapters suggest possible policy and strategic responses by the United States. A chapter on strategic implications is bound to be controversial, particularly to traditional military strategists. These thought-provoking analyses and policy implementations will interest scholars and students of European History and Politics, Comparative Politics, United States Foreign Policy and Defense, as well as government policy makers and decision makers in international business.

State borders regulate cross-border mobility and determine peoples' chances to travel, work, and study across the globe. This book looks at how global mobility is defined by borders in 2011 in comparison to the 1970s. The authors trace the transformation of OECD-state borders in recent decades and show how borders have become ever more selective.

This book brings together a collection of writings over the past half century from Professor Paul Rogers. As a leading peace researcher he has gained an international reputation for the critical, independent and rigorous analysis of international security and the underlying causes of global conflict. His work on the responses to 9/11 and the continuing failure of the war on terror, in particular, has shown prescience that has attracted widespread attention. Moreover, he has coupled his academic analysis with a determination to communicate widely beyond the university environment. With many thousands of radio and television interviews, hundreds of public lectures and a world-wide following for his web publishing, this extramural engagement consistently seeks to raise the level of public debate on international security issues. - Provides a radically different perspective on global security, based on 50 years of analysis- Uniquely integrates economic, environmental and security analysis into a single overview - Cogently demonstrates the urgent need to rethink our entire approach to global security

This volume analyses several recent evolutions in global defence activities. Since the 1990s the industry has gradually repositioned because of geostrategic transformations, spatial reorganisation, budgetary trends, and evolutions within the production of defence per se, which have disrupted its economic and social fabric. These changes widen the scope of industrial activities and modify the organization of relations between armed forces, firms and local economies as well as society. They deeply affect the footprints of defence in several dimensions and its impacts on local communities, public/private boundaries and evolving requirements of armed forces. This volume analyses key features of recent and ongoing transformations of defence issues, from four perspectives. The first section considers those factors which are redefining the boundaries of defence, with a focus on defence economics; part two focuses on the spatial footprint of defence and its transformations and analyses the insertion of defence activities within urban landscapes; the third part analyses how armed forces manage their human resources; and the final section considers the international landscape of defence.

This book is a study of ties between China and Japan and their Asian counterparts. It does not therefore directly treat bilateral relations between these powers, as these already constitute the subject of many other studies. A lengthy perspective has been taken into account in order to recall past legacies, some of which are still painfully contentious, and to record evolutions in attitudes and strategies vis-a-vis Asian countries.

With the growing importance of emerging markets the focus of analysts has begun to concentrate on the contribution of Latin America and the Middle East to the global economy, and the relations between these two regions. This has become ever more important with the trend in Latin America to diversify their trade relations and establish closer economic and political ties with other emerging economies, including the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries. The Arab World and Latin America examines the relations between these two regions, highlighting the often-overlooked cultural similarities, as well as exploring the political and economic ties that are being developed. As relations with and between countries in the Global South become ever more important for trade and investment, both politically and economically, this volume offers vital analyses for researchers of international relations as well as the politics and culture of the Middle East and Latin America.

Few studies of Middle East wars go beyond a narrative of events and most tend to impose on this subject the rigid scheme of superpower competition. The Gulf War of 1991, however, challenges this view of the Middle East as an extension of the global conflict. The failure of the accord of both superpowers to avoid war even once regional superpower competition in the Middle East had ceased must give rise to the question: Do regional conflicts have their own dynamic? Working from this assumption, the book examines local-regional constraints of Middle East conflict and how, through escalation and the involvement of extra-regional powers, such conflicts acquire an international dimension. The theory of a regional subsystem is employed as a framework for conceptualising this interplay between regional and international factors in Tibi's examination of the Middle East wars in the period 1967-91. Tibi also provides an outlook into the future of conflict in the Middle East in the aftermath of the most recent Gulf War.

Built on the premise that trust is one of the most important factors in intergroup relations, conflict management and resolution at large, this volume explores trust and its mechanisms and operations especially in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Significantly, this volume focuses not only on the nature of trust and distrust in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but it also explores how it is possible to build and increase trust on both sides in the conflict, a necessity in order to advance the stalled peace process. As trust is a concept that is interdisciplinary by nature, so are this volume's contributors: sociologists, philosophers, sociologists, social psychologists, political scientists, as well as experts in the Middle East, Islam, Judaism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict bring together real multidisciplinary perspectives that complement each other and then provide a comprehensive picture about the nature of trust and distrust and its ramification and implications for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Divided into five thematic parts, the volume begins with by examining the theoretical basis of trust research from multiple perspectives. Then, it presents chapters on trust, distrust, and trust-building in other conflicts around the world. The third part is a unique feature of this volume as it takes a contextual approach: it emphasizes the importance of particular cultural and religious considerations on both sides of the conflict. The thrust of the book is examined in the next section. Part IV discusses and analyses various aspects of trust, and specifically distrust, in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Significantly, the chapters of this part take the perspectives of the participants in the conflict: Israeli Jews, Palestinians and Israeli Arabs. Finally, the volume concludes by providing an integrative conceptual perspective based on the principles of social and political psychology. An important goal of this volume is to not only explore trust and distrust in an intractable conflict, but also to provide practical multi-disciplinary outlooks and implications to advance trust building in two conflict ridden societies-Israeli and Palestinian, and other societies around the world.