This book seeks to identify the reasons why some countries were more efficient and effective than others in responding to the COVID 19 pandemic, and why the global community failed to coalesce. What are the political determinants of the different state responses to the pandemic? Why was scientific advice rejected or ignored in many countries? What has been the role, respectively, of neoliberalism, populism, and authoritarianism in the making of Covid-19 policy? What role have each of these factors played in the uneven and clearly inadequate global response to the pandemic? In an effort to understand why some states failed to handle the pandemic properly, some of the literature suggests that populism is at the root of the current failure of international co-operation. The global financial crisis of 2008-10 triggered significant cooperation within the G-20, led by the combined efforts of the United States and China. These forms of cooperation have clearly disappeared in the context of the pandemic, not only with respect to economic policy but also in public health and management. The authors of this volume link the different state responses to the pandemic-- from its inception to the start of the vaccination campaign, and to the political regimes prevailing in each. In particular, the present volume focuses on a distinction between the responses of neo-liberal regimes, populist regimes and authoritarian ones.

Borawski and Young provide a serious analysis of the major issues confronting European-North American relations. They draw detailed attention to the fundamental political and military issues before the Atlantic Alliance.

They illustrate that NATO remains essential to Euro-Atlantic security. Only the Atlantic Alliance can bring to bear well-tested military capability under US leadership to promote its members security, interests, and democratic values. However, to remain vital, the Alliance must undertake a serious review of its major purposes: enlargement to the former Warsaw Pact nations, a strategic partnership with Russia, defense against weapons of mass destruction, and a more mature transatlantic relationship drawing on the lessons of the former Yugoslavia. This is an important assessment for policymakers, military planners, scholars, students, and others concerned with current European-American relations.

This book focuses on the evolving relationship between China and the International Criminal Court (ICC). It examines the substantive issues that have restricted China's engagement with the ICC to date, and provides a comprehensive assessment of whether these Chinese concerns still constitute a significant impediment to China's accession to the ICC in the years to come. The book places the China-ICC relationship within the wider context of China's interactions with international judicial bodies, and uses the ICC as an example to reflect China's engagement with international institutions and global governance in general. It seeks to offer a thought-provoking resource to international law and international relations scholars, legal practitioners, government legal advisers, and policy-makers about the nature, scope, and consequences of the relationship between China and the ICC, as well as its impact on both global governance and order. This book is the first of its kind to explore China's engagement with the ICC primarily from a legal perspective.

Thailand's political problems attracted international attention when yellow shirted anti-Thaksin protestors closed down Bangkok's international airports in November 2008; the following April pro-Thaksin red shirts prevented an ASEAN-East Asia Summit, and clashed violently with the army in the streets of Bangkok. Conflict between groups for and against former Prime Minister Thaksin has polarized Thai society. Under his watch, violence also returned to the Malay Muslim south, with the loss of over 3,000 lives. The military coup that ousted Thaksin was supposed to end all this, but instead polarization increased and southern violence continued. This book is about how Thaksin divided Thailand, the nature of the southern conflict, and problematic attempts to establish a consensus around a post-Thaksin political order.

This collection of essays by leading scholars and diplomats involved with the area examines the key political and economic issues facing Japan, Russia, and their neighbors since the end of the Cold War. The main goal is to analyze recent developments in Moscow-Tokyo bilateral relations and their growing interest in closer economic engagement, stability, and regional cooperation.

The volume provides readers with an in-depth analysis of the very problems and opportunities that compelled the national leaders of Japan and Russia to drastically change the format and contents of the dialogue, to address the most critical issues not only of the moment but also for the future. The volume is a crucial resource for scholars, policy makers, and students involved with Asia-Pacific economic cooperation and Japanese and Russian foreign policy.

This book examines how the liberal international theory tradition evolved in Europe. It includes nine chapters focusing on both historical and contemporary branches of liberal IR theorizing. The combined portrait of the prominent IR theory orientation shows a long and rich theoretical tradition but also a tradition that the scholarly community rarely fully recognize. It is currently somewhat challenged and therefore in need of further advances. Concerning the historical branches, the authors present a truly European tradition that thus was not only present in a few countries. The contributors introduce examples of liberal theorizing that IR scholars tend to dismiss and they trace the boundaries between the liberal and other theoretical traditions. Given the prominence of the tradition, the book is surprisingly among the first to present a transnational perspective on the development of the liberal international theory tradition in Europe.

The Falklands War of 1982 figures prominently in recent British history. The impact this conflict had on Western Europe and the tensions it caused within the European Community has not, however, been properly examined.This book, written by leading experts, throws new light on the workings of EC foreign policy, national foreign policies, and the relationship between individual states, as seen in an unusual moment of crisis. The authors compare the reactions of the respective governments, political parties, the media and public opinion, and examine the domestic dimensions of foreign policy-making in the countries involved. Particular attention is paid to Spain, the only country to depart from the original European consensus. Complicating factors included its historical ties with Latin America, its accession to NATO membership in June 1982, and its bid to join the EC. Other countries of particular interest are Italy, Ireland and Denmark, who broke ranks with the common European position after a month because of economic interests, ingrained attitudes and legal considerations are also analyzed.

Mental Maps in the Era of Detente and the End of the Cold War recreates the way in which the revolutionary changes of the last phase of the Cold War were perceived by fifteen of its leading figures in the West, East and developing world.

This edited volume is the first to discuss the methodological implications of the 'emotional turn' in International Relations. While emotions have become of increasing interest to IR theory, methodological challenges have yet to receive proper attention. Acknowledging the pluralityof ontological positions, concepts and theories about the role of emotions in world politics, this volume presents and discusses various ways to research emotions empirically. Based on concrete research projects, the chapters demonstrate how social-scientific and humanitiesoriented methodological approaches can be successfully adapted to the study of emotions in IR. The volume covers a diverse set of both well-established and innovative methods, including discourse analysis, ethnography, narrative, and visual analysis. Through a hands-on approach, each chapter sheds light on practical challenges and opportunities, as well as lessons learnt for future research. The volume is an invaluable resource for advanced graduate and postgraduate students as well as scholars interested in developing their own empirical research on the role of emotions.

This book examines how Ronald Reagan's electrifying 1964 televised speech, "A Time For Choosing," ignited the conservative movement within the GOP. Ronald Reagan's televised speech, or what many conservatives today simply call "The Speech," was a call for action, telling Americans that now was "A Time for Choosing." "The Speech" catapulted Reagan into national politics, the California governorship, and ultimately the presidency. The themes of the speech, including anti-Communism, strong national defense, and the need to protect the average American from taxes and bureaucracy, ignited the conservative movement in the GOP, resulting over time in the sidelining of the more liberal, establishment wing of the Republican Party. The contributors in this edited volume show how Ronald Reagan's "coming out" speech on the national stage helped set the political agenda for the next three decades.

While much of the work in this field focuses on individual psychology or radical ideology, Bosi, O Dochartaigh, Pisoiu and others take a fresh, innovative look at the importance of context in generating mobilisation and shaping patterns of violence. The cases dealt with range widely across space and time, from Asia, Africa and Europe to the Americas, and from the Irish rebellion of 1916 through the Marxist insurgency of Sendero Luminoso to the `Invisible Commando' of Cote d'Ivoire. They encompass a wide range of types of violence, from separatist guerrillas through Marxist insurgents and Islamist militants to nationalist insurrectionists and the distinctive forms of urban violence that have emerged at the boundary between crime and politics. Chapters offer new theoretical perspectives on the decisive importance of the spatial and temporal contexts, and supportive milieux, in which parties to conflict are embedded, and from which they draw strength.

Originally published in 1912. Author: Norman Angel Language: English Keywords: Social Sciences Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. Obscure Press are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.

This valuable text considers methods of terminating wars with and without treaties of peace, and also offers a study of the methods of negotiation, the drafting of treaties and the nature of treaties of peace. Reprint of the sole edition (1916)."It would obviously not be useful to attempt here anything like an inventory or abstract of the contents of a book which is not an argumentative treatise but a storehouse of precedents, and whose value depends on the details being ample and fully verified. Enough to say that it will be of the greatest use to diplomatists and publicists at that uncertain date which will be fixed, the sooner the better, by the definite victory of the Allies."- Law Quarterly Review 33 (1917) 100Coleman Phillipson 1878-1945], a barrister of the Inner Temple, was the editor of Wheaton's Elements of International Law 5th edition (1915) and the author of numerous titles including International Law and the Great War (1915, reprinted by The Lawbook Exchange 2005) and The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome (1911).CONTENTSPART I. Termination of War by Mere Withdrawal from Hostilities; or by Conquest and SubjugationI. Termination of War by Reciprocal Intermission of HostilitiesII. Termination of War by Conquest and SubjugationIII. Premature Annexation. Views as to Validity of ConquestsIV. Main Effects of Conquest and Subjugation with Regard to State SuccessionPart II. Termination of War by Treaties of Peace. How They Come to be Made; Their Contents; and Their EffectsI. Armistice ConventionsII. Interposition of Third PowersIII. Preliminaries of PeaceIV. Constitution and Procedure of the Peace Conference. General PrinciplesV. Peace Negotiations. Notable Examples from Previous WarsVI. The Treaty of Peace. General Principles Treaty-Making Power, Nature of Treaties of Peace, their Binding Force, Form and Parts. Language. Interpretation.VII. The Treaty of Peace. General Principles (continued). Date of Peace. Ratification. Means of Ensuring PerformanceVIII. The Treaty of Peace. Main Clauses and EffectsIX. The Treaty of Peace. Main Clauses and Effects (continued)X. The Treaty of Peace. Main Clauses and Effects (continued)XI. Effect of Cession. State Succession: NationalityXII. Effect of Cession. State Succession: Treaties. Public Law and AdministrationXIII. Effect of Cession. State Succession: State Property. Public Debts. Concessions, Etc. Private RightsAPPENDIX Texts of Peace Treaties Frequently Referred to in the Course of the WorkINDEX of Subject-MatterINDEX of Treaties, Preliminaries of Peace, Conferences, and Congresses

More than ever before, ethnic struggle finds expression in the growing incidence and scale of displaced persons and refugee flows, as well as in exacerbated levels of ethnic minority abuse and involuntary assimilation. Demographic and political sources of instability in multi-ethnic societies assure the continuing significance of ethnic strife and the potential for intrastate ethnic violence far into the next millennium. While not all disagreements between ethnic groups can be expected to escalate into violence, more than a few have produced intractable and destructive conflicts, and one or more of these conflicts could ultimately reach levels that overwhelm international resources and capabilities.

Carment and Harvey examine how regional and international security organizations can prevent destructive ethnic conflict and manage cases in which violence already is at hand. First they develop a conceptual framework for advancing basic research on the prevention and management of intrastate ethnic violence. They evaluate theoretical knowledge about the nature of ethnic conflict, using case material and quantitative assessments, and they apply these assumptions against recent instances of conflict management through an in-depth study of NATO's involvement in Kosovo and Bosnia. This book serves as an important research tool for students, scholars, and policy makers involved with ethnic conflict and international relations.

This book examines Israel's relationship and political decision-making process towards the Occupied Territories from the aftermath of the Six Day War to the Labour Party's electoral defeat in 1977. The period represents the first decade of Israel's occupation of the Occupied Territories and the last decade in which the Labour Party was Israel's most dominant political force. Arguing that the successive Israeli governments headed by the Labour Party lacked a strategic policy towards the Occupied Territories to address the country's objectives and needs, this book demonstrates the detrimental effect this had on Israel, on the Middle East in general, and on the Palestinian people in particular. In addressing key aspects of decision making pathologies, this book raises issues which remain important features of Israeli politics today and an analysis relevant for political decision making worldwide.

Providing a comprehensive introduction to the literature and approaches used in the field, this illustrious Handbook explores and interrogates the link between security and development at a global level whilst offering a broad survey of current thinking.With a mixture of approaches and methodologies, each chapter is written by an acknowledged expert and includes international contributions spanning six continents. The topics covered range from the politics of aid by remote control through to intervention and the post-conflict re-establishment of security and demobilization of combatants. This essential book will engage academics involved in research surrounding security and development, along with practitioners who are interested in the philosophy of their actions and their practical implications. Members of organizations such as policy institutes and NGOs will also find this to be a valuable read. Contributors: P. Albrecht, L.R. Andersen, B. Baker, D. Beswick, L. Cooley, L. Denney, T. Donais, M. Duffield, R. Freedman, H. Hudson, P. Jackson, H.M. Kyed, N. Lemay-Hebert, H. Marquette, N. Mlambo, L.W. Moe, R. Muggah, S.M. Murshed, A. OEzerdem, A. Schnabel, M. Sedra, F. Stepputat, G.S. Wagle, N. Wilen, C. Wilkinson, S.A. Zyck

Reintegration programmes for ex-combatants are supposed to support the wider peace process. This study, based on detailed fieldwork, looks at the way they were carried out in Sierra Leone and Liberia and assesses the degree to which they were conducted in a participatory way.

Until recently, Australia and Latin America were considered irrelevant to one another. The prevailing perception in Australia had been that Latin America was too remote, disconnected, and politically irrelevant to warrant serious scholarly or public attention. In recent years, this perception has rapidly changed, with Australian universities seeking to attract Latin American students, new diplomatic relations emerging, investment in mining and other business sectors expanding, and a growing fascination in Australia with Latin American food, music, dance and other forms of popular culture. These rapid developments can only properly be understood within the context of broader global transformations underway, including shifts in power relations between the 'Global North' and 'Global South', the rise of key Latin American economies, major technological developments, and ever-increasing global interconnectivity. This pioneering interdisciplinary book ventures into the new space of Australian-Latin American relations, exploring multiple dimensions of the rapidly changing landscape within a global context.

The year 2015 marked the centennial of the 1915 United States occupation of Haiti and Haiti's resistance to that signal event in its history. This study surveys the issues of economics, race, and realpolitik embedded in the political economy of U.S. interactions with Haiti that resulted in occupation. It then interrogates what constitutes the "state" as it pertains to foreign policy, along with an inspection of who benefits from empire. This approach eschews tired dichotomies of whether or not the United States as a whole materially benefited from empire to instead simply look at who individually gained and what were the capacities of these beneficiaries to craft policy. Next it delivers insights derived from a forensic analysis of Woodrow Wilson's perception of race and his decision to intervene in Haiti. Attitudes enabling United States military leaders to implement a policy of occupation are provided through a study of Admiral William Caperton's role in the intervention. The focus then telescopes out to inspect the role played by the press, especially as booster for commercial opportunities. In short, the project answers the questions of why, who, and how American empire was undertaken through the case study of Haiti and its occupation in 1915.

This volume examines cooperation between the United States and Europe on a range of global issues. With the Soviet threat no longer a unifying factor, the transatlantic partners have sought a new basis for acting together in the post-Cold War era. The conditions and strategies that determine the success or failure of cooperation in areas such as restructuring relations with the East countering the threat of weapons proliferation dealing with so called 'rogue' states, and managing the global economy are explored.

The Cold War began in Europe in the mid-1940s and ended there in 1989. Notions of a "global Cold War" are useful in describing the wide impact and scope of the East-West divide after World War II, but first and foremost the Cold War was about the standoff in Europe. The Soviet Union established a sphere of influence in Eastern Europe in the mid-1940s that later became institutionalized in the Warsaw Pact, an organization that was offset by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led by the United States. The fundamental division of Europe persisted for forty years, coming to an end only when Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe dissolved. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945-1989, edited by Mark Kramer and Vit Smetana, consists of cutting-edge essays by distinguished experts who discuss the Cold War in Europe from beginning to end, with a particular focus on the countries that were behind the iron curtain. The contributors take account of structural conditions that helped generate the Cold War schism in Europe, but they also ascribe agency to local actors as well as to the superpowers. The chapters dealing with the end of the Cold War in Europe explain not only why it ended but also why the events leading to that outcome occurred almost entirely peacefully.

This book is an open access book. Many scholars have wondered if a non-Western theory of international politics founded on different premises, be it from Asia or from the "Global South," could release international relations from the grip of a Western, "Westphalian" model. This book argues that a Buddhist approach to international relations could provide a genuine alternative. Because of its distinctive philosophical positions and its unique understanding of reality, human nature and political behavior, a Buddhist theory of IR offers a way out of this dilemma, a means for transcending the Westphalian predicament. The author explains this Buddhist IR model, beginning with its philosophical foundations up through its ideas about politics, economics and statecraft.

This stimulating book addresses the relationship between market authority and political authority - a favourite theme of Susan Strange to whom the book is dedicated. From a survey of the bias against capital liberalisation in economic thought to an analysis of the US role in global monetary affairs, it discusses how and why free capital flows contribute to the instability of the global capitalist system. The internationally renowned contributors analyse the history and theory of international capital flows to make sense of contemporary global investments and what they mean for global polity and the economy. They argue over the challenges of integrating large developing countries into a liberal world order and the consequences of the multilateral system for the world's poor. In further discussions they investigate the sustainability of global capitalism in light of financial crises, widespread inequality and the uncertain future for traditional welfare states. They also advance various mechanisms through which they believe greater stability and equity could be introduced into the global financial system and the world economy. Implicit in these arguments is the shared belief that tensions between visions of a rule-based, liberal world and concepts of a more equitable distribution of resources drive most of the major conflicts in the global economy. Investigating the economic, political and social drawbacks of volatile global finance, and the human choices required to introduce stability, equity and a sense of purpose to the world economy, Markets and Authorities will be an invaluable addition to the fields of economics, political science, political economy and international business.

A thoughtful interpretation of the roles of four print news media in the origins of the abrasive relationship between the Soviet Union and the US after WW II. It is based on a content analysis of the "Chicago Tribune," the "New York Herald Tribune," the "San Francisco Chronicle," and "Time" magazine. Liebovich describes the idiosyncrasies in the staffs and leadership of each medium and links those unique characteristics to their positions on the Cold War. . . . Liebovich is a veteran newsman who has amassed excellent data to support his thesis. The writing is clear and concise. "Choice"

This unprecedented study of the media's role during the early stages of the cold war focuses on four major news organizations: the "New York Herald Tribune," the "Chicago Tribune," the "San Francisco Chronicle," and "Time" magazine. Based on interviews with journalists who covered the news from 1944 to 1947, the book details the attitudes and predilections of the organizations involved and reveals the concerns of the writers themselves. The author rejects previously held views on the inevitability of the cold war--demonstrating that news coverage not only included but also reinforced popular images of the Soviet Union after World War II.