Since the 1950s, globalization has been an increasingly irresistible trend and one that has exerted a tremendous impact on the political, economic, military, environmental, and social fortunes of mankind - and yet, existing theories in humanities and social sciences have been fundamentally built upon the traditional "nation-state" model. These two volumes, a pioneering work on global studies to be published out of China, aims at creating a new theoretical framework against the backdrop of globalization. Volume 1 introduces the core concepts and discusses the critical issues of globalization while the editors redefine notions of politics, economics, law, and globality while deploying globalization as a theoretical framework. Volume 2 examines the multi-level and multi-dimensional nature of globalization, analysing processes and systems of global society in the light of globalization, and exploring the construction of a stable and rational global order. These two volumes of global studies are an essential reference for scholars and students in politics, economics, international relations and law.

The twentieth century has been described as the bloodiest in human history, but it was also the century in which people around the world embraced ideas of democracy and human rights as never before. They constructed social, political and legal institutions seeking to contain human behaviour, ensuring that by the turn of the twenty- first century more countries were democratic than non-democratic and the protection of human rights had been extended far beyond the expectations of the creators of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Todd Landman offers an optimistic, yet cautionary tale of these developments, drawing on the literature from politics, international relations and international law. He celebrates the global turn from tyranny and violence towards democracy and rights but he also warns of the precariousness of these achievements in the face of democratic setbacks and the undermining of rights commitments by many countries during the controversial "War on Terror."

This pathmaking treatise on macrotheoretical science argues that a brink separates an explanatory theory of international politics from those approaches that lack basic standards for theoretical construction--a brink which must be bridged if the discipline is to develop. Formulated on the basis of a pragmatic philosophy of science, its most general arguments cross the boundaries of the social sciences, including the standard subdisciplinary boundaries of international relations. Although the substantive theories in the book tend to be about systems usually characterized as power politics, the basic approach and categories could be used to analyze systems of international political economy, international organization, or comparative politics.

Not so long ago, it seemed the intellectual positions on globalization were clear, with advocates and opponents making their respective cases in decidedly contrasting terms. Recently, however, the fronts have shifted dramatically. The aim of this publication is to contribute philosophical depth to the debates on globalization conducted within various academic fields - principally by working out its normative dimensions. The interdisciplinary nature of this book's contributors also serves to scientifically ground the ethical-philosophical discourse on global responsibility. Though by no means exhaustive, the expansive scope of the works herein encompasses such other topics as the altering consciousness of space and time, and the phenomenon of globalization as a discourse, as an ideology and as a symbolic form.

A pioneering contribution to the study of negotiation theory, this volume takes as its central organizing principle the thesis that national leaders are generally the key actors in international politics and conflict management. Therefore, the editors argue, efforts to contain, manage, and reduce international conflicts through negotiation will be significantly enhanced through the availability of detailed information about the leading players. The papers collected here are deigned to evaluate this hypothesis through a detailed analysis of the major national leaders during the events of June-September 1982 in Lebanon, which began with the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and culminated in the establishment of an international peace-keeping force in West Beirut.

Based upon consideration of United Nation missions to the Congo (1960-64), Somalia (1992-95), and the former Yugoslavia (1992-95) and examination of counterinsurgency campaigns, Mockaitis develops a new model for intervening in intrastate conflicts and commends the British approach to civil strife as the basis for a new approach to peace operations. Both contemporary and historic examples demonstrate that military intervention to end civil conflict differs radically from traditional peacekeeping. Ending a civil war requires the selective and limited use of force to stop the fighting, safeguard humanitarian aid work, and restore law and order. Since intrastate conflict resembles insurgency far more than it does any other type of war, counterinsurgency principles should form the basis of a new intervention model.

A comprehensive approach to resolve intrastate conflict requires that peace forces, NGOs, and local authorities cooperate in rebuilding a war-torn country. Only the British have enjoyed much success in counterinsurgency campaigns. Starting from the three broad principles of minimum force, civil-military cooperation, and flexibility, the British approach in responding to insurgency has combined the limited use of force with political and civil development. Carefully considered and correctly applied, these principles could produce a more effective model for peace operations to end intrastate conflict.

The reintegration of ex-combatants after conflict is a crucial peacebuilding task, but several challenges stand in the way of efforts to successfully assist ex-combatants after war. Drawing on extensive field research including nearly 200 interviews with policy practitioners, government officials, and ex-combatants themselves, this book critically examines these challenges by analyzing reintegration policy and outcomes in Namibia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and Liberia.McMullin presents a troubling contradiction in the conventional wisdom about peacebuilding as it relates to ex-combatants: limited economic opportunities and short term assistance programs mean that 'reintegration' tends to be back into the poverty and marginalization that contributed to war in the first place. Can reintegration back into poverty be called successful? This book will appeal to scholars of political violence, security studies, peacekeeping and peace building, transitional justice, social policy after war, and peace and conflict studies.

This book is based on presentations from the Conference ‘Arctic Marine Resource Governance’ held in Reykjavik Iceland in October 2015. The book is divided into four main themes: 1. Global management and institutions for Arctic marine resources 2. Resource stewards and users: local and indigenous co-management 3. Governance gaps in Arctic marine resource management and 4. Multi-scale, ecosystem-based, Arctic marine resource management’. The ecosystem changes underway in the Arctic region are expected to have significant impacts on living resources in both the short and long run, and current actions and policies adopted over such resource governance will have serious and ultimately irreversible consequences in the near and long terms.

Secession is one of the richest veins yet to be mined in international relations. The unexplored concept of secession implicates a host of historical accomplices related to the development of industrial modernity and considerable changes in the nature of sovereignty and the state. By historicizing secession it becomes possible not only to explain the historical transformations that have led to the theoretical impasse on secession but to better articulate the possibilities for current transformative interactions. In Forgetting Ourselves, Linda Bishai thoroughly examines why secession has been ignored by international relations both in theory and practice. Mainstream perspectives in international relations theory have, up to this point, questioned neither state formation nor the inside/outside divide of state sovereignty. Bishai, however, historicizes and questions the concept of secession itself, and the component assumptions of territoriality and identity upon which it rests. Forgetting Ourselves places secession in its proper historical context as something possible only in the modern era and only perceived as a global threat within the last century. Bishai argues that understanding the historic contingency of secessionist conflict allows us to contemplate an alternative vision of international relations in which the violence associated with controlling territory is no longer necessary for validating political identities.

In this book various perspectives on fundamental rights in the fields of public and private international law are innovatively covered. Published on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut in The Hague, the collection reflects the breadth and scope of the Institute's research activities in the fields of public international law, EU law, private international law and international and European sports law. It does so by shedding more light on topical issues - such as drone warfare, the fight against terrorism, the international trade environment nexus and forced arbitration - that can be related to the theme of fundamental rights, which runs through all these four areas of research. Points of divergence and areas of common ground are uncovered in contributions from both staff members and distinguished external authors, having long-standing academic relations with the Institute. The Editors of this book are all staff members of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut, each of them representing one of the areas of research the Institute covers.

This book focuses on ethnic nationalism and its universality as a phenomenon in world politics. By employing case studies, the essays demonstrate the past, current, and future persistence of this fragmenting tendency and its implications for various regional and world-wide political dynamics. By its very comprehensiveness and geographic case diversity, the study provides evidence that there are two simultaneous (and sometimes contradictory) dynamics taking place in the international political arena--integration and fragmentation. This collection of essays analyzes fragmentation. There are significant implications for description, analysis, evaluation, and prescriptive policy in international relations. This book challenges the bias in post-war America (and the West overall) that the preeminent, if not exclusive, political behavior tendency in regional and world politics is integration of actors and their behavior. While not seeking to refute or deny integration, it suggests balancing the analysis of international politics by upgrading the fragmentation tendencies based upon a very basic phenomenon--ethnic nationalism.

The first study of the everydayness of political life under Stalin, this book examines Soviet citizenship through common practices of expressing Soviet identity in the public space. The Stalinist state understood citizenship as practice, with participation in a set of political rituals and public display of certain "civic emotions" serving as the marker of a person's inclusion in the political world. The state's relations with its citizens were structured by rituals of celebration, thanking, and hatred-rites that required both political awareness and a demonstrable emotional response. Soviet functionaries transmitted this obligation to ordinary citizens through the mechanisms of communal authority (workplace committees, volunteer agitators, and other forms of peer pressure) as much as through brutal state coercion. Yet, the population also often imbued these ceremonies-elections, state holidays, parades, mass rallies, subscriptions to state bonds-with different meanings: as a popular fete, an occasion to get together after work, a chance to purchase goods not available on other days, and even as an opportunity to indulge in some drinking. The people also understood these political rituals as moments of negotiation whereby citizens fulfilling their "patriotic duty " expected the state to reciprocate by providing essential services and basic social welfare. Nearly-universal passive resistance to required attendance casts doubt on recent theories about the mass internalization of communist ideology and the development of "Soviet subjectivities. "The book is set in the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv during the last years of World War II and immediate postwar years, the period best demonstrating how formulaic rituals could create space for the people to express their concerns, fears, and prejudices, as well as their eagerness to be viewed as citizens in good standing. By the end of Stalin's rule, a more ossified routine of political participation developed, which persisted until the Soviet Union's collapse.

... aims to be something more than a biographical dictionary of missionaries, academics, artists, leaders, diplomats, educators, soldiers, engineers, etc. (dead and alive), who established relationships between the US and Africa. The entries include information on institutions, organizations, business firms, even ships that were involved in these contacts. . . . recommended for most libraries. "Choice"

Contacts between the United States and Africa began in the seventeenth century when American slavers arrived on the West African Coast. They were quickly followed by a multitude of colonists, traders, missionaries, soldiers, diplomats, engineers, scientists, authors, artists, explorers, and hunters, among others, as well as a range of American institutions, societies, and businesses.

This unique reference work provides in one alphabetical format a resource on more than 700 people, organizations, and events that have affected the relations between the United States and Africa from the 1600s to the present. The focus is primarily on those individuals and organizations that were actually in Africa and that have left written or visual records of their stay. Each entry is followed by a short bibliography of major sources, including information on existing manuscript material; a useful index completes the text. Of special interest to scholars of African studies, world history, American foreign policy, and colonialism, this comprehensive reference tool will be a valuable aid in understanding American involvement in Africa.

British troops, which arrived as a temporary measure, would remain in Ireland for the next 38 years. Successive British governments initially claimed the Northern Ireland conflict to be an internal matter but the Republic of Ireland had repeatedly demanded a role, appealing to the UN and US, while across the Atlantic, Irish-American groups applied pressure on Nixon's largely apathetic administration to intervene. Following the introduction of internment and the events of Bloody Sunday, the British were forced to recognise the international dimension of the conflict and begrudgingly began to concede that any solution would rely on Washington and Dublin's involvement. Irish governments seized every opportunity to shape the political initiative that led to Sunningdale and Senator Edward Kennedy became the leading US advocate of American intervention while Nixon, who wanted Britain onside for his Cold War objectives, was faced with increasingly influential domestic pressure groups. Eventually, international involvement in Northern Ireland would play a vital role in shaping the principles on which political agreement was reached - even after the breakdown of the Sunningdale Agreement in May 1974. Using recently released archives in the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and United States, Alan MacLeod offers a new interpretation of the early period of Northern Ireland's 'Troubles'.

Noted scholars and practitioners describe how America's military strategy is being developed in a post-Cold War eolitical environment to meet future needs confronting the sole surviving world superpower. In defining the domestic constraints and the intense political process that is tied into the formulation of military strategy, they show how difficult it is to build a consensus for American military leadership in a multipolar world. This evaluation of strategic concepts and their application to issues about conventional and nuclear deterrence, technological requirements, and collective security should be required reading for staff officers, civilians in national security bureaucracies, policymakers, and students and scholars concerned with military and security policy.

Terrorism and its manifestations continue to evolve, becoming deadlier and more menacing. This study considers the evolution of terrorism since 1968 and how airlines and governments have attempted to deal with this form of violence through a series of nonforce strategies. Using historical examples, we see how governments, particularly the United States, attempted to counter politically motivated aerial hijacking with metal detectors, legal means, and, finally, in frustration, counterviolence operations to subdue terrorists. As nations witnessed aerial hijacking and sieges, the requirement for paramilitary and military counterterrorist forces became a necessity. Through use of examples from Israel (Entebbe 1976), West Germany (Mogadishu 1977), and Egypt (Malta 1985), Taillon concludes that cooperation--ranging from shared intelligence to forward base access and observers--can provide significant advantages in dealing with low-intensity operations. He hopes to highlight those key aspects of cooperation at an international level which have, at least in part, been vital to successful counterterrorist operations in the past and, as we witnessed again in the campaign in Afghanistan, are destined to remain so in the future.

Race to the Moon is a suspenseful thriller about the 30-year clash between the United States and the Soviet Union to be the first to put a man on the moon. This true account is heavy with intrigue, espionage, and controversy. Beginning with a 1961 pledge by President John F. Kennedy to plant the Stars and Stripes on the lunar surface by the end of the decade, the story flashes back to the first days of World War II. At that time, England was tipped off by a high Nazi official that the Third Reich was developing revolutionary long-range rockets. This same source clandestinely provided documents that shocked British scientists: The Germans were 25 years ahead of England and the United States in rocket development! And then, in September 1944, 60-foot-long V-2 rockets, for which there was no defense, began raining down on London, causing enormous destruction and loss of life. Even while the fighting was still raging in Germany in the spring of 1945, a handful of young U.S. Army officers scored a colossal coup: They connived to steal 100 of the huge V-2s that had been found in an underground factory. They were dismantled and slipped by train out of Germany, destination White Sands, New Mexico. Then began a no-holds-barred search for German rocket scientists in the chaos of a defeated Third Reich, with the Americans and British on one side and the Russians on the other. Within weeks of the close of the war, Wernher von Braun and 126 of his rocket team members were corraled, shipped to the United States, and began working secretly on missile development. At the same time, the Soviets literally kidnapped other German rocket scientists and sent them to Russia to continue their space work. In the years ahead, Wernher von Braun and his German rocket team, nearly all of whom became naturalized citizens of the United States, collaborated with American scientists to overcome enormous space achievements by the Soviets--and bungling by Washington politicians--to send Neil Armstrong scampering about on the moon in 1969.

This work is a critical examination of the dangers which confront the United States in the current era of global instability with historical examples of past crises and prescriptive suggestions for the future. America enters the post-Cold War world as a superpower, but one whose future security, and perhaps even survival, cannot be taken for granted. Only three times in modern history has the world seen such potential instability; in two of those instances, the result was total war. In the coming millennium, major crises and wars are inevitable. Whether or not the United States successfully negotiates such conflicts will depend upon decisions made today.

Only careful analysis and planning can help to assure that the United States will preserve its independence and prosperity. This study includes historical examples which illustrate why the current global situation is exceptionally dangerous and how America should prepare to avoid and survive crises, maintain freedom of action, and improve strategic decision-making. The author reviews the most dangerous strategic shortcomings and makes twenty-six recommendations for the future on such topics as military force structure, foreign policy goals, and domestic policy.

For nearly two centuries interaction between Spain and the United States was characterized by cultural and political differences, mutually perceived conflicts of national interest, and an asymmetry of power. Botero identifies the period from 1945 to 1953 as a watershed in relations, as the two countries moved from a hostile posture towards a friendly rapprochement. He shows why, in spite of political differences, mutual distrust, and reciprocal grievances, both governments found it in their best interest to reach an agreement on the issue of European defense. This study documents, for the first time, the extraordinary lengths to which the Franco regime was prepared to go to improve its relations with the United States.

Beginning with the Spanish monarchy's decision to assist the thirteen colonies in their struggle for independence, Botero examines treaty negotiations in 1795 and 1821 that involved Spain's territorial possessions in North America. He then looks at how friction over events in Cuba culminated in the Spanish-American War of 1898. Several decades of mutual disengagement followed until the two nations again clashed over the early pro-Axis sympathy of the Franco regime. The fear of Soviet aggression would finally unite the two in the post-World War II era with a bilateral agreement to establish military bases in Spain as part of strategic arrangements to defend Western Europe.

Fridays of Rage reveals Al Jazeera's surprising rise to that most respected of all Western media positions: the watchdog of democracy. Al Jazeera served as the nursery for the Arab world's democratic revolutions, promoting Friday as a "day of rage" and popular protest. This book gives readers a glimpse into how Al Jazeera has strategically cast its journalists as martyrs in the struggle for Arab freedom while promoting itself as the mouthpiece and advocate of the Arab public. In addition to heralding a new era of Arab democracy, Al Jazeera has become a major influence over Arab perceptions of American involvement in the Arab World, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the rise of global Islamic fundamentalism, and the expansion of the political far right. Al Jazeera's blueprint for "Muslim-democracy" was part of a vision announced by the network during its earliest broadcasts. The network embarked upon a mission to reconstruct the Arab mindset and psyche. Al Jazeera introduced exiled Islamist leaders to the larger Arab public while also providing Muslim feminists a platform. The inclusion and consideration of Westerners, Israelis, Hamas, secularists and others earned the network a reputation for pluralism and inclusiveness. Al Jazeera presented a mirror to an Arab world afraid to examine itself and its democratic deficiencies. But rather than assuming that Al Jazeera is a monolithic force for positive transformation in Arab society, Fridays of Rage examines the potentially dark implications of Al Jazeera's radical re-conceptualization of media as a strategic tool or weapon. As a powerful and rapidly evolving source of global influence, Al Jazeera embodies many paradoxes-the manifestations and effects of which we are likely only now becoming apparent. Fridays of Rage guides readers through this murky territory, where journalists are martyrs, words are weapons, and facts are bullets.

The Latin American narcotics trade is an important national security issue for the United States because it is destabilizing important Latin American allies and creating serious social problems within the United States. Frustration with the inability to block the flow of cocaine, marijuana, and heroin from Latin America prompted passage of major national anti-drug laws in 1986 and 1988. Throughout the decade, United States narcotics policy has created serious friction between the United States and Latin America yet, according to Mabry, it essentially has failed in its goals. Nine experts on this subject deal with the major issues of United States narcotics policy and offer recommendations for future action. The history of the United States narcotics policy, the nature of the trade, the debate over the use of the United States military in interdiction efforts, the role of Congress in making policy, and the origin and implementation of narcotics policy, be it directed against a specific nation or against the entire region, are presented. In addition, the book also contains a List of Tables covering: Consumption of Drugs, and Columbian Trafficker's Investment Preferences. An extensive bibliography is included designed to give other scholars and those interested in this issue an excellent start for further research.

China's rise is changing the dynamics of the international system. "Middle Powers and the Rise of China" is the first work to examine how the group of states referred to as "middle powers" are responding to China's growing economic, diplomatic, and military power. States with capabilities immediately below those of great powers, middle powers still exercise influence far above most other states. Their role as significant trading partners and allies or adversaries in matters of regional security, nuclear proliferation, and global governance issues such as human rights and climate change are reshaping international politics.

Contributors review middle-power relations with China in the cases of South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Australia, South Africa, Turkey, and Brazil, addressing how these diverse nations are responding to a rising China, the impact of Chinese power on each, and whether these states are being attracted to China or deterred by its new power and assertiveness. Chapters also explore how much (or how little) China, and for comparison the US, value middle powers and examine whether or not middle powers can actually shape China's behavior. By bringing a new analytic approach to a key issue in international politics, this unique treatment of emerging middle powers and the rise of China will interest scholars and students of international relations, security studies, China, and the diverse countries covered in the book.

Warzones are sometimes described as lawless, but this is rarely the case. Armed insurgents often replace the state as the provider of law and justice in areas under their authority. Based on extensive fieldwork, Rebel Courts offers a compelling and unique insight into the judicial governance of armed groups, a phenomenon never studied comprehensively until now. Using a series of detailed case studies of non-state armed groups in a diverse range of conflict situations, including the FARC (Colombia), Islamic State (Syria and Iraq), Taliban (Afghanistan), Tamil Tigers (Sri Lanka), PKK (Turkey), PYD (Syria), and KRG (Iraq), Rebel Courts argues that it is possible for non-state armed groups to legally establish and operate a system of courts to administer justice. Rules of public international law that regulate the conduct of war can be interpreted as authorising the establishment of rebel courts by armed groups. When operating in a manner consistent with due process, rebel courts demand a certain degree of recognition by international states, institutions, and even other non-state armed groups. With legal analysis enriched by insights from other disciplines, Rebel Courts is a must read for all scholars and professionals interested in law, justice, and the effectiveness of global legal standards in situations of armed conflict.