Welcome to Loot.co.za!
Sign in / Register |Wishlists & Gift Vouchers |Help | Advanced search
|
Your cart is empty |
|||
Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > General
First Published in 2001. The Reluctant Imperialists, British Foreign Policy 1878-1902 Volume II focuses on the documents whose purpose is less to define what policy was than to give students some idea of the dialogue that lay behind it.
First published in 2001. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
First published in 2001. This is Volume XI of the Foreign Policies of the Great Powers eleven part series and focuses on the policies of the Japanese, from 1869 to 1942. It includes sections on the Iwakura period, the Mutsu period, Aoki, Komura, Kato, Ishi, Shidehara, Tanaka, Uchida, Hirota, Konoe and ending with the Matsuoka period in 1941.
First published in 2001. This is Volume VII of the Foreign Policies of the Great Powers eleven part series and focuses on on the policies of France from 1914 to 1945. It includes sections on French diplomacy of the War 1914 to 18, the Peace Settlement, from Versailles to the Ruhr and the Dawes Plan, the Franco-Italian Rapprochement, the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance and the policies around the beginning of the next War.
This book assesses diverse ways to think about "others" while also emphasizing the advantages of decolonial intersectionality. The author analyzes a number of struggles that emerge among Andean indigenous intellectuals, governmental projects, and International Relations scholars from the Global North. From different perspectives, actors propose and promote diverse ways to deal with "others". By focusing on the epistemic assumptions and the marginalizing effects that emerge from these constructions, the author separates four ways to think about difference, and analyzes their implications. The genealogical journey linking the chapters in this book not only examines the specificities of Bolivian discussions, but also connects this geo-historical focal point with the rest of the world, other positions concerning the problem of difference, and the broader implications of thinking about respect, action, and coexistence. To achieve this goal, the author emphasizes the potential implications of intersectional decoloniality, highlighting its relationship with discussions that engage post-colonial, decolonial, feminist, and interpretivist scholars. He demonstrates the ways in which intersectional decoloniality moves beyond some of the limitations found in other discourses, proposing a reflexive, bottom-up, intersectional, and decolonial possibility of action and ally-ship. This book is aimed primarily at students, scholars, and educated practitioners of IR, but its engagement with diverse literature, discussions of epistemic politics, and normative implications crosses boundaries of Political Science, Sociology, Gender Studies, Latin American Studies, and Anthropology.
Providing a study of US policy towards Afghanistan from the Soviet intervention of 1979 to the exit of US/International Security Assistance Forces combat troops at the end of 2014, this book examines how the United States' construction of its interests has shaped its long-term involvement with that country. Recognising that there is a particular focus on the United States' representation and justification of its Afghan policy, this work demonstrates how the intertwining of language and social practices provided policymakers' with a shared meaning on selling policy. In this way, Washington justified its practices - including covert operations, diplomacy, counterterrorism and war - as essential in ensuring that 'good' prevailed over 'evil'. Teitler's argument contrasts with the existing literature, which predominantly argues the United States has been motivated by self-interest in its dealings with Afghanistan. Teitler deploys a constructivist approach to elucidate US-Afghan relations in this critical historical juncture. Through its particular use of constructivism, the work aims to contribute more broadly to international relations and US foreign policy scholarship. This book will be of interest to academics and students in various fields, including US foreign and security policy, international relations theory, the Greater Middle East, Afghanistan, American exceptionalism, constructivism and discourse analysis.
This volume examines relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and socialist Eastern European states during the Cold War. The chapters take previous findings on government policy and China's role as a global player in the Cold War game as a starting point to locate the PRC in the socialist world and assess levels of interaction beyond diplomatic and governmental relations. By focusing on transfers and interconnections and the social dimension of governmental interactions, the primary goal of this book is to explore structures, institutions, and spaces of interaction between China and Eastern Europe and their potential autonomy from political conjunctures. The guiding question that the book raises is: To what extent did Chinese and Eastern European players, outside the range of the power centres, have room to manoeuvre beyond the agendas of the Kremlin, national governments, or party leaderships? The question of the relative autonomy becomes especially vibrant against the backdrop of the development of Sino-Soviet relations from alliance to split to reconciliation through the Cold War era. This book contributes to the growing scholarship on East-South and intra-bloc relations from the perspective of global and transnational history and will be of interest to researchers, students and policy makers in the fields of History, East European and Russian studies, International Relations and politics. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Cold War History.
Peter Beinart's provocative account of hubris in the American century describes Washington on the eve of three wars: World War I, Vietnam, and Iraq--three moments when American leaders decided they could remake the world in their image. Each time, leading intellectuals declared that the spread of democracy was inevitable. Each time, a president held the nation in the palm of his hand. And each time, a war conceived in arrogance brought tragedy. But each catastrophe also imparted wisdom to a new generation of thinkers. These leaders learned to reconcile the American belief that anything is possible with the realities of a world that will never fully conform to this country's will--and in their struggles lie the seeds of American renewal today.
The Scottish independence debate has consequences for Scotland, British politics, the future of the UK - and internationally. In Scotland Rising, Gerry Hassan addresses the key questions in this debate with a deep dive into its history, beyond the usual references to Thatcherism, Toryism and Westminster, by analysing the relative decline of the UK, the nature of the British state, its capitalist economy and politics that underpin it. At the same time, a distinctive, autonomous Scotland has emerged beyond Nichola Sturgeon's SNP and independence that has demanded more self-government. Scotland Rising highlights the importance of culture, stories and collective voices in reshaping how people see Scotland, both in during the first referendum in 2014 and again today. This debate is of relevance to everyone in the UK, including England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Can politics and democracy liberate people from the wreckage of Westminster? And if the Scots can, could it inspire others? Scotland Rising is a must-read for anyone with an interest in the future of Scotland and the UK.
Originally published in 1890. This early works is a comprehensive and informative look at the subject and will appeal to any historian. Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900's and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. We are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.
Political hackers, like the infamous Anonymous collective, have demonstrated their willingness to use political violence to further their agendas. However, many of their causes - targeting terrorist groups, fighting for LGBTQ+ rights, and protecting people's freedom of expression, autonomy and privacy - are intuitively good things to fight for. This book will create a new framework that argues that when the state fails to protect people, hackers can intervene and evaluates the hacking based on the political or social circumstances. It highlights the space for hackers to operate as legitimate actors; guides hacker activity by detailing what actions are justified toward what end; outlines mechanisms to aid hackers in reaching ethically justified decisions; and directs the political community on how to react to these political hackers. Applying this framework to the most pivotal hacking operations within the last two decades, including the Arab Spring, police brutality in the USA and the Nigerian and Ugandan governments' announcements of homophobic legislation, it offers a unique contribution to conceptualising hacking as a contemporary political activity
This book is the very first to collect together the key official
documents tracing the development of European foreign policy from
the end of the Second World War to the present day. It
contains:
This collection gives beginners an advanced introduction to the field of international relations and enlarges the understanding of those who have studied international relations theory in the past. It contains better known papers fromrecent years alongside classic studies from earlier periods. The volumes cover: the nature and purpose of international relations theory; idealism and realism; the scientific turn and its critics; society and cooperation in international relations; the liberal peace; Marxism; historical sociology and international relations; neo-realism, critical theory and constructivism; normative theory and international relations; and normative theory and the future of world order.
This enriching book explores a theoretical gap in international relations and the role of leader ambition. It presents the idea that some leaders transcend political constraints and as a result, they fundamentally reshape their domestic polity while introducing change to the international system.Mark Menaldo revisits what is a fundamental question in the study of international politics: the role of statesmanship in foreign affairs. He critiques prevailing realist, rational choice, and personality theories of international relations for conceiving of leadership too narrowly. This book introduces the novel theory of transformative ambition, the idea that some leaders transcend domestic and international political constraints and, as a result, fundamentally reshape their domestic polity while introducing change to the international system. Drawing on Aristotle's idea of magnanimity and Niccolo Machiavelli's lessons to princes through his examples of great founders, the author shows how leaders throughout time accomplish great goals through the force of their vision, character, and practice of statesmanship. Case studies include Otto Von Bismarck, Latin America's autocrats, Woodrow Wilson, Charles de Gaulle, and Pericles. Providing a critique of international relations theory and a critical examination of how leaders with transformative ambition change domestic and international politics, this book will appeal to leadership, politics and international relations academics and students. Contents: Introduction 1. Realism and Ambition: Otto von Bismarck Reconsidered 2. The Strategic Perspective of Leadership: Ambition as Political Survival 3. Personality and Political Ambition 4. Transformational Leadership: A Theoretical Critique 5. Aristotle's Idea of Magnanimity and Transformative Ambition 6. Pericles' Transformative Ambition (1): Regime Politics and Character 7. Pericles' Transformative Ambition (2): Democracy, Empire, and the Peloponnesian War Conclusion References Index
The foreign policy of a colonial country is very different from that of a sovereign country. Two features of the foreign policy of colonial India were: one, that it was framed in the interest of Britain; and two, that till the very end, the British showed an unflinching determination to maintain their hold on India. This book highlights the weight and significance of India in global affairs because of its huge size, richness of resources, and geostrategic and relational positioning. After independence, India inherited a whole set of notions and practices from the colonial past especially treaty arrangements with smaller neighbours; the nature of interactions with its extended neighbourhood; unresolved border disputes in the north; and the imperatives of ensuring India's security both on its land and maritime frontiers. In the twenty-first century also, as a rising India reconstructs its foreign policy, some of the themes of the foreign policy of colonial India demand far greater attention. This book provides a model for studying the foreign policies of colonies in the global south. Covering the last fifty years of British rule in India, it focuses on the relations of the Government of India with states along the territorial rim of Britain's Indian Empire and the regions along the routes that connect Britain with India. Scholars have written hundreds of books on the foreign policy of India since 1947. But, during the last fifty years, virtually no general book has appeared on the period before 1947. This pioneering work aims at filling this hole. It will be of interest to journalists and academics in the fields of modern history, political science, international relations and colonial history of India and South Asia.
On 25 November 1953, the footballing landscape was altered forever. In a mist-shrouded Wembley Stadium, the beautiful game's historic dominant force, England, met the most exciting team of the 1950s, Hungary. What followed sent shockwaves through the very foundations that the sport was built upon. After years of crumbling decline, the British Empire seemed to be enjoying a resurgence with the coronation of the popular young Elizabeth II. As such, England played with the crushing weight of expectation upon their shoulders, defending their proud, unbeaten home record and protecting the reputation of the nation. Hungary, meanwhile, took on football's most venerated team in the knowledge that they had the opportunity to make history by emerging victorious - anything less would not be tolerated. The newspapers called it the Match of the Century before it had even begun. By the time it was over, writers, players and fans were wondering if such a lofty billing had in fact undersold the contest. Now, over sixty years later, the match is imbued with meaning and symbolism far beyond the football pitch. This is the story of a match that would change the course of football history forever.
As Korea enters a hopeful new chapter in its history, this timely book, with contributions by distinguished experts in the field, addresses the fragility of the political, economic, and military balance within the two Koreas and in Northeast Asia. It provides in-depth analysis of the principal factors that gave rise to the persisting Cold War on the Korean peninsula, and successfully unravels many aspects of the complicated domestic and economic dynamics of the two Koreas, the patterns of relationship between the two rival states, as well as their changing relationships with the United States and other major powers.
The contributors to this overview of the changes in security studies reflect critically on the past decades since the 1980s and consider what the future holds, in a select few areas of security studies. In spite of the individuality of the approaches and spread of topics, the authors conclude that analysts and policy-makers have not been able to respond well to the changes that have occurred and that they must revise their approach is they are to meet the challenges of the future.
A collection of the papers from the 1995 Sandhurst conference presented by leading members of the armed forces, the media and academia. The conference marked a major advance in British thinking on this very topical and fast-moving subject, bringing together authorities from various fields in a multidisciplinary investigation which has been, and will be of great interest to a wide variety of specialist readers.
The greatest political debate of our time is about the blind rush towards a single global economy, its consequences for jobs, democracy, human well-being and cultural diversity, and its impact on the natural world that sustains us. Its effects will be profound and irreversible, but globalization itself is not inevitable. In "The Case Against the Global Economy", 24 leading economic, agricultural, cultural and environmental authorities, drawn from across the world, argue that free trade and economic globalization are producing exactly the opposite results to those promised. From a detailed analysis of the new global economy, its structures and its full social and ecological implications, they show how it is undermining our liberty, our security and our well-being, and is devastating the planet.;First published in the USA in 1996, in an edition focused on North America, the book won the American Political Science Association award for the "Best Book in Ecological and Transformational Politics". This completely revised and updated international edition presents a passionate and persuasive case for the need to reverse course, away from globalization and towards a revitalized democracy,
|
You may like...
The Asian Aspiration - Why And How…
Greg Mills, Olusegun Obasanjo, …
Paperback
The Quest For Unity - An Appraisal Of…
David Monyae, Sizo Nkala
Paperback
The Digital Silk Road - China's Quest To…
Jonathan E. Hillman
Paperback
|