Recent transatlantic relations have been plagued by a seemingly endless series of disputes over trade and other economic and political interests. Some of these disputes have been amongst the most prominent of the WTO era: the Bananas Case, the Beef Hormones Case and the furore over the Helms-Burton Act. This book analyses the sources of transatlantic disputes, and the means employed to prevent and settle such disputes both bilaterally and through the multilateral dispute settlement mechanism of the of the WTO, and identifies promising areas for reform.

This volume honors the lifetime achievements of the distinguished activist and scholar Elise Boulding (1920-2010) on the occasion of her 95th birthday. Known as the "matriarch" of the twentieth century peace research movement, she made significant contributions in the fields of peace education, future studies, feminism, and sociology of the family, and as a prominent leader in the peace movement and the Society of Friends. She taught at the University of Colorado, Boulder from 1967 to 1978 and at Dartmouth College from 1978 to 1985, and was instrumental in the development of peace studies programs at both institutions. She was a co-founder of the International Peace Research Association (1964), the Consortium on Peace Research Education and Development (1970), and various peace and women's issues-related committees and working groups of the American Sociological Association and International Sociological Association.

A narrative complement to Eyes Toward Zion, Volume II (Praeger, 1986), this important new volume presents a comparative analysis of the influence of the Holy Land on Western Societies. Researched and written by a distinguished team of international scholars, Eyes III illuminates both parallelisms and unique elements in the idea of the Holy Land in the United States, Canada, Iberoamerica, Great Britain, France, and Germany. The pervasive Holy Land influence in these countries and the unique elements inherent in each culture are perceived through four constructs: diplomatic policy, Christian devotion, Jewish attachments, and cultural ties. The editors and contributors provide a detailed examination of the political and economic interests of the Western societies in the Holy Land, the role of Zion in Christian denominations, the Land of Israel in Jewish tradition and communal life, and the effect of the Holy Land on Western literature, art, and pilgrimage. Part I analyzes North America's early involvement with Palestine, focusing particularly on the writings of early Christian travellers from the U.S. and the role these visitors played in forming America's concept of the Holy Land. A separate chapter compares and contrasts the U.S. and Canadian experience. Parts II and III examine the Iberoamerican and European experience. The long, wide ranging, and significant relationships between the Holy Land and France, Germany, and the Latin American Republics are fully explored. Focusing primarily on the nineteenth century, Part IV documents the sturdy Biblical-Holy Land-British bond. The chapters in this volume are replete with references to the writings of archaeologists, historians, scientists, biblical scholars, novelists, consuls, missionaries, tourists and, above all, settlers and builders of the Land - all attesting to the intrinsic place of the Holy Land in the world imagination.

Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power in 1985 signalled the beginning of significant improvements in Soviet-Israeli relations--thoroughly examined in this carefully researched volume. Based on an analysis of Soviet behavior and interviews with Israeli and Soviet Foreign Ministry officials and PLO leaders, this study describes how eased tensions between the Soviet Union and Israel have been achieved and analyzes the Soviet Union's reasons for advancing diplomatic relations with Israel. Robert Owen Freedman follows the progress of Soviet policy from the 1985 meeting between the Soviet and Israeli ambassadors to France, to the 1987 arrival of the Soviet consular delegation in Israel, which heralded rapid improvement on the diplomatic front, to the 1989 trade agreements, cultural, academic, and athletic exchanges, and the 1990 political meetings between high ranking officials. Freedman identifies three primary goals that motivated these Soviet initiatives towards Israel: a desire to improve relations with the United States; a desire to play a major role in Middle East diplomacy; and a desire for trade with Israel. Both meticulously documented and forward-looking, the conclusions reached can stimulate discussion and provide a basis for further study for members of the academic, political, and diplomatic communities.

"Europe" is one of the defining issues of our times. Politically, economically, legally, culturally, it is a source of division to some and inspiration for others. This book contains essays written by eminent authors to celebrate the Centenary of the British Academy, the country's leading academic institution for Social Sciences and the Humanities. Their central theme is "Britain's Contribution to the Europe of the Twenty-First Century" and it is approached in an inter-disciplinary way from the different angles of law, politics, economics and the humanities. Contributors: Guido Alpa; Stephen Bann FBA; Vernon Bogdanor CBE, FRSA, FBA; Keith Clark, BCL; Kenneth Dyson FBA, FRHS; David Edward CMG, FRSE; Sir John Elliott, FBA, AAAS; Laurent Fabius; The Rt. Hon. Frank Field MP; Sir Roy Goode QC, CBE, FBA; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Hurd of Westwell, CH, CBE; Giorgio La Malfa; Noelle Lenoir; Nicholas Mann CBE; Basil Markesinis QC, DCL, FBA; Baroness O'Neill of Bengarve, DBE, FBA; The Rt. Hon. The Lord Woolf of Barnes.

A decade ago the term 'New World Order' was a commonly-used expression. Now - at the beginning of the twenty-first century - the contours of this order are less clear. How can this international order be described and interpreted and how can it be explained from contrasting theoretical viewpoints? Ten scholars in international politics, many of them experts in the field, offer penetrating contributions to provide a survey of the ongoing debate surrounding the new world order.

This book examines Israel's relationship and political decision-making process towards the Occupied Territories from the aftermath of the Six Day War to the Labour Party's electoral defeat in 1977. The period represents the first decade of Israel's occupation of the Occupied Territories and the last decade in which the Labour Party was Israel's most dominant political force. Arguing that the successive Israeli governments headed by the Labour Party lacked a strategic policy towards the Occupied Territories to address the country's objectives and needs, this book demonstrates the detrimental effect this had on Israel, on the Middle East in general, and on the Palestinian people in particular. In addressing key aspects of decision making pathologies, this book raises issues which remain important features of Israeli politics today and an analysis relevant for political decision making worldwide.

After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its vulnerability stemmed as much from Britain's imperial decline and America's Cold War requirements as from a Chinese threat. It culminated in the little known '1957 Question', a year when the British position in Hong Kong appeared more uncertain than any time since 1949. This is the first scholarly study that places Hong Kong at the heart of the Anglo-American relationship in the wider context of the Cold War in Asia. Unlike existing works, which tend to treat British and US policies in isolation, this book explores their dynamic interactions - how the two allies perceived, responded to, and attempted to influence each other's policies and actions. It also provides a major reinterpretation of Hong Kong's involvement in the containment of China. Dr Mark argues that, concerned about possible Chinese retaliation, the British insisted and the Americans accepted that Hong Kong's role should be as discreet and non-confrontational in nature as possible. Above all, top decision-makers in Washington evaluated Hong Kong's significance not in its own right, but in the context of the Anglo-American relationship: Hong Kong was seen primarily as a bargaining chip to obtain British support for US policy elsewhere in Asia. By using a variety of British and US archival material as well as Chinese sources, Dr Mark examines how the British and US government discussed, debated, and disagreed over Hong Kong's role in the Cold War, and reveals the dynamics of the Anglo-American alliance and the dilemmas of small allies in a global conflict.

The post-Cold War world allows space for less powerful states to develop influential roles in responding to specific international problems. Norway has focused on the persistent issue of violent ethno-political conflict. This book explains why Norway chose its peace policy and demonstrates what is has been able to achieve.

This accessible introductory text explains the political, economic and religious developments since the formation of the Islamic Republic in 1979 and provides an analysis of the domestic politics of Iran. It identifies the ways in which the country, often imagined as 'isolated', is actually integrated into the global capitalist economy. It also explains the often-heated relationship of the regional powerhouse with the outside world, especially with West Asian neighbours and the United States. Both rigorous and readable, the book covers: * Iran's unusual path of capitalist development; * The relationship between politics and religion in what is known as 'God's Kingdom'; * The international and domestic factors that shape Iranian politics and society. Assuming no prior knowledge, this book is an ideal starting point for students and general readers looking for a thought-provoking introduction to contemporary Iran.

This important new study, drawing primarily on Russian sources, analyzes Russian foreign policy in the context of an ongoing national identity crisis. The work examines Russia's foreign policy in terms of two salient factors: (1) political and economic reform, given that foreign policy has been strongly influenced by reactions--positive and negative--to Yeltsin's reform agenda; and (2) Russia's geopolitical predicament between Europe and Asia, between East and West, which requires it to reconcile various strategic imperatives with regard to NATO, China, and the Islamic world. Buszynski's study reveals current Russian foreign policy as a process of interaction between these two factors, the result being considerable vacillation between support for the West and opposition to it. An important analysis that will be of interest to foreign policy and international relations experts in academia and government.

This volume is the result of a workshop that had the objective to ascertain the facts of ASEAN-U.S. relations and the specific matter of the United States' engagement with ASEAN and East Asia, for possible use by ASEAN in the discussions at the next ASEAN-U.S. Summit Meeting and other ASEAN-U.S. policy forums. The book covers several elements of this relationship, ranging from U.S. military presence in the region, cooperation on maritime security, and recent U.S. policy towards Myanmar, to progress on technical cooperation.

With a mature intellectual tradition and intensive educational provision since the sixteenth century, Jaffna had an edge over the rest of the country, not only in the matter of educational attainment, but also in other inter-related areas, such as a favourable socio-cultural and socio-economic ethos, as well as political awareness to organise themselves. With the attainment of independence in 1948 in the wake of the liberation of India, Jaffna witnessed a gradual decline in all areas, especially with the steady upsurge of ultra-religious and ultra-nationalist chauvinism, and the substitution of demagogic rule for genuine democracy, made possible by a constitution ill-suited to the needs of an emergent nation. While analysing the situation in the light of available evidence, the book goes on to argue the case for decentralisation of government and devolution of centralised power in the interest of the nation.

"Tea from Ceylon "-those were the words that still ring in my ears from advertisements in the 'fifties, and they always evoked a picture of a magical, exotic island world with acres of rich green tea bushes somewhere beyond the swelling rollers of the Indian ocean. Today "Sri Lanka" doesn't sound as romantic-but if I were to visit that land, I would be sure to take with me a copy of Dr Paramothayan's book. The title "Edge of the Lagoon" are words, once again, to conjure with And indeed, the book takes one to the heart of that magical, though turbulent land with its ancient myths and rich mixture of cultures.

This is a meticulous, academic, well-researched study or exploration, especially of Jaffna, that region in the northern apex of that triangular land just 22 miles from the southern tip of India, and is well supported by meticulous and accurate footnoting and quotations from the people who have shaped the country.

-Charles Muller, Diadem Books

While much of the work in this field focuses on individual psychology or radical ideology, Bosi, O Dochartaigh, Pisoiu and others take a fresh, innovative look at the importance of context in generating mobilisation and shaping patterns of violence. The cases dealt with range widely across space and time, from Asia, Africa and Europe to the Americas, and from the Irish rebellion of 1916 through the Marxist insurgency of Sendero Luminoso to the `Invisible Commando' of Cote d'Ivoire. They encompass a wide range of types of violence, from separatist guerrillas through Marxist insurgents and Islamist militants to nationalist insurrectionists and the distinctive forms of urban violence that have emerged at the boundary between crime and politics. Chapters offer new theoretical perspectives on the decisive importance of the spatial and temporal contexts, and supportive milieux, in which parties to conflict are embedded, and from which they draw strength.

Mental Maps in the Era of Detente and the End of the Cold War recreates the way in which the revolutionary changes of the last phase of the Cold War were perceived by fifteen of its leading figures in the West, East and developing world.

This volume represents a comprehensive analysis, by the best known experts in the field on both sides of the Atlantic, of how and why Germany and the United States found themselves at war against each other in 1917 and how the end of their confrontation in 1918/19 paved the way for an era of renewed cooperation. Perspectives offered go well beyond the diplomatic and military aspects of the German-American relationship and include cultural and economic questions.
Germany and the United States of America: The Krefeld Historical Symposia

Reintegration programmes for ex-combatants are supposed to support the wider peace process. This study, based on detailed fieldwork, looks at the way they were carried out in Sierra Leone and Liberia and assesses the degree to which they were conducted in a participatory way.

In the Post-Cold War Era, the possibility of large-scale military conflict between the superpowers has been replaced by the probability of a series of minor—and perhaps not so minor—regional ones. Many, if not most of those, will take place within reach of seaborne expeditionary forces. France organized such an expedition at the close of World War II, in 1945-1946, to return to Indochina. This account of that expedition provides a good case study of what such expeditions involve and, moreover, illustrates many politico-military lessons—and warnings—for those like the U.S., who would project power from the sea east of the Suez today.

South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy has been a bundle of contradictions and ambiguities. The accession by leading fractions of the African National Congress to the ongoing discourse of neo-liberalism has led to the policy making elite playing to two distinct audiences: its Leftist-inclined constituency within the Government of National Unity and externally oriented domestic and international capital. This second audience is increasingly integrating the GNU elite into a group which more and more reflects the concerns, aspirations, and demands of a transnational class elite. This move mirrors South Africa's ongoing incorporation into the international political economy as a global middle-power, a bridgebuilder between the global hegemons and those reluctant to follow their lead.

Taylor's fundamental theoretical approach that underpins the study--namely a neo-gramscian interpretation of the global political economy and the importance of middle powers--sets it apart from other studies of contemporary South African foriegn policy making. He also provides a useful source for Africanists and South Africa specialists in particular. This is partly because of the accessible style of presentation. But it is also because he has chosen case studies of interaction with multilateral groupings and organizations. This approach marks the volume out as being different from the normal assessment of South African foreign policy--particularly the specific multilateral agencies that he has chosen to focus on.

Written as a primary text for introductory courses in foreign policy, but also for the attention of the informed general readers, this volume proposes the concept of national interest as the organizing principle of American foreign policy. Arguing that foreign policy can only be successful if it takes into account both the international and domestic environments, von Vorys shows that by developing national interest as a pre-policy standard--rather than using it as a post-policy justification--foreign policies can be made and implemented that are not only successful abroad but are also widely supported at home. The author offers a general framework of national interest, spells out the hierarchy of national interests that should guide foreign policy, and identifies and classifies the range of appropriate policy options. Von Vorys also shows how in this new post Cold War era national interest can become the standard by which our international relations can be impartially evaluated.

Following an introduction that reviews twentieth century American foreign policy and sets forth the basic concept of national interest, von Vorys examines in turn the three levels of national interest that determine foreign policy options: challenges to our national existence, challenges to our friends and allies, and challenges to the international order. In considering challenges to our national existence, the author addresses such issues as deterrence by strategic offense, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the SALT treaties. Turning to an examination of challenges to friends and allies, von Vorys analyzes the special obligations inherent in allied relationships, the military and political problems posed by NATO, and the question of hemispheric solidarity. Finally, von Vorys explores basic challenges to the international order. He traces the evolution of the traditional method of hegemony, the balance of power system, the attempt at a decentralized world order, and, recently, detente. Throughout, by blending the practical demands of power and the imperatives of morality, von Vorys demonstrates that by using national interest as the underlying concept, we can identify interests for which we should be ready to fight as well as those for which we should be willing to pay, to work, or, in some cases, to do nothing.

In the early 1990s, Singapore, the Malaysian state of Johor, and the Riau Islands in Indonesia sought to leverage their proximity, differing factor endowments, and good logistics connections to market themselves as an integrated unit. Beyond national-level support in all three countries, the initiative had the support of state and provincial leaders in Johor and Riau, respectively. Now, however, the situation is markedly different. The Malaysian government and its Johorean equivalent have invested considerable resources in encouraging closer integration with Singapore. For its part, the Indonesian central government has been promoting special economic zones and export-oriented activities. However, the provincial government of the Riau Islands has turned away from export-oriented industrialization, preferring instead to promote cultural sub-nationalism and traditional economic activities such as fishing and small-scale farming. This development is counter-intuitive. Traditional fiscal federalism theory argues that decentralization encourages competition between provinces for investment, jobs, and growth. While Indonesia has undergone one of the world's most far-reaching decentralization reforms, Malaysia has pursued a consistent centralization campaign at the expense of state governments. Thus, we would expect the Riau Islands entrepreneurial drive to be unleashed, and Johor's to be smothered. However, Johor's drive for capital is undiminished, while the Riau Islands pursuit of investment has dissipated. This monograph will explore the reasons for this paradox.

Federalism and International Relations is the first comparative study of an increasingly important phenomenon: the international role and activities of component units of major liberal democratic federal States. The first part of the book identifies common concepts and themes and explores the reasons for the proliferation of paradiplomatic activities by these non-traditional actors on the international scene. The subsequent chapters focus on the international role of subnational units in individual countries: Austria, Australia, Canada, the Federal Republic of Germany, Switzerland, and the USA; the authors also consider the case of Belgium, not formally a federation, but operating to all intents and purposes like one. They examine in detail the nature and history of foreign-policy federalism of these units and the scope and variety of their international activities. They also explore such topics as the constitutional and institutional contexts in which paradiplomatic activity by component units takes place and the factors which motivate these international activities in each federal State. Finally they assess the implications of the paradiplomatic activities for the conduct of foreign policy in each federation.

In the last three decades, Turkey has attempted to build close relationships with Russia, Iran and the Turkic World. As a result, there has been ongoing debate about the extent to which Turkey's international relations axis is shifting eastwards. Ozgur Tufekci argues that Eurasianist ideology has been fundamental to Turkish foreign policy and continues to have influence today. The author first explores the historical roots of Eurasianism in the 19th century, comparing this to Neo-Eurasianism and Pan-Slavism. The Ozal era (1983-1993), the Cem era (1997-2002) and Davutoglu era (since 2003) are then examined to reveal how foreign policy making has been informed by discourses of Eurasianism, and how Eurasianist ideas were implemented through internal and external socio-economic and political factors.

The knowledge disseminated by universities and mobilized by states to govern populations has been globally dominant for more than a century. It first emerged in the early modern period in Europe and subsequently became globalized through colonialism. Despite the historical and cultural specificity of its origins, modern Western knowledge was thought to have transcended its particularities such that, unlike pre-modern and non-Western knowledges, it was "universal," or true for all times and places. In this bold and ambitious book, Sanjay Seth argues that modern knowledge and the social sciences are a product of Western modernity claiming a spurious universality: that what we treat as the "truths" discovered by social scientific reason are instead a parochial knowledge. Drawing upon and deriving its critical energies principally from postcolonial theory, Beyond Reason traverses many disciplines, including science studies, social history, art and music history, political science, and anthropology, and engages with a range of contemporary thinkers including Butler, Habermas, Chakrabarty, Chatterjee, and Rawls. It demonstrates that while global in their impact, the social sciences do not and cannot transcend the Western historical and cultural circumstances in which they emerged. If the social sciences are not explained and validated simply by the fact that they are "true," it becomes possible to ask what purpose they serve, what it is that they "do." A defining feature of modern knowledge is that it is divided into disciplines, each with its own object of inquiry and corresponding protocols, and thus asking what such knowledge "does" requires asking what purpose disciplines serve. It also requires asking what ways of understanding the world they facilitate and what they disallow. Beyond Reason proceeds to anatomize the disciplines of history and political science to ask what representations and relations with the past and with politics these academic disciplines enable, and what ways of understanding and engaging the world they foreclose.