National security has always been an integral consideration in immigration policy, never more so than in the aftermath of September 11, 2001. This is the first history of American immigration policy written in the post-9/11 environment to focus specifically on the role of national security considerations in determining that policy. As LeMay makes clear, this is not the first time America has worried about letting "foreigners" through our "gates." By the time readers reach the final chapter, in which current policies regarding the interplay between immigration and national security are discussed, they have the historical perspective necessary to assess the pros and cons of what is happening today. They are able to more clearly answer questions such as: Does putting the Immigration and Naturalization Service under the Department of Homeland Security make the country more secure? Do vigilantes improve border security? How are we handling the balance between national security and civil liberties compared to the ways in which we handled it during World Wars I and II and the Cold War? LeMay does not advocate a specific policy; rather, he gives citizens and students the tools to make up their own minds about this enduringly controversial issue.

Based upon consideration of United Nation missions to the Congo (1960-64), Somalia (1992-95), and the former Yugoslavia (1992-95) and examination of counterinsurgency campaigns, Mockaitis develops a new model for intervening in intrastate conflicts and commends the British approach to civil strife as the basis for a new approach to peace operations. Both contemporary and historic examples demonstrate that military intervention to end civil conflict differs radically from traditional peacekeeping. Ending a civil war requires the selective and limited use of force to stop the fighting, safeguard humanitarian aid work, and restore law and order. Since intrastate conflict resembles insurgency far more than it does any other type of war, counterinsurgency principles should form the basis of a new intervention model.

A comprehensive approach to resolve intrastate conflict requires that peace forces, NGOs, and local authorities cooperate in rebuilding a war-torn country. Only the British have enjoyed much success in counterinsurgency campaigns. Starting from the three broad principles of minimum force, civil-military cooperation, and flexibility, the British approach in responding to insurgency has combined the limited use of force with political and civil development. Carefully considered and correctly applied, these principles could produce a more effective model for peace operations to end intrastate conflict.

This sixth volume of the book series on Nuclear Non-Proliferation in International Law focuses on current legal challenges regarding nuclear disarmament and security. The Series on Nuclear Non-Proliferation in International Law provides scholarly research articles with critical commentaries on relevant treaty law, best practice and legal developments, thus offering an academic analysis and information on practical legal and diplomatic developments both globally and regionally. It sets a basis for further constructive discourse at both national and international levels. Jonathan L. Black-Branch is Chair of the ILA Committee on Nuclear Weapons, Non-Proliferation and Contemporary International Law and President and CEO of ISLAND - The Foundation for International Society of Law and Nuclear Disarmament. Dieter Fleck is Former Director International Agreements & Policy, Federal Ministry of Defence, Germany; Member of the Advisory Board of the Amsterdam Center for International Law (ACIL); Rapporteur of the International Law Association (ILA) Committee on Nuclear Weapons, Non-Proliferation & Contemporary International Law.

In 1997 the British state relinquished control of Hong Kong. From that point an established prosperous community was faced with reordering its sense of itself and its links with the wider world around the authority of Beijing. This book traces the political relationship between Hong Kong and China, and sketches a number of possible future scenarios ranging from successful mutual understanding, through to breakdown and the imposition of rule from Beijing.Having lived and worked in East Asia, Peter Preston brings a sympathetic outsiders eye to the problems of Hong Kong and Beijing relations. He pursues four main issues including the manner of embedding a new political settlement, the business of governing the territory, the issue of democracy, and the likely future of the extant form of life. Students and scholars specialising in comparative politics, and international relations of East Asia will find this book to be of interest. It will also be of use to those addressing political conflict in that part of the world.

This reader brings together the writings of Wallace Warfield (1938-2010), the internationally acclaimed and influential authority on conflict resolution. The selected essays highlight the importance of social context in conflicts and the future and potential of the field of Conflict Resolution.
After introducing Warfield's thinking and background, a first section highlights the role of race, ethnicity and culture in conflict, through case studies and step-by-step methods on how to deal with such issues. It also addresses theoretical issues and policymaking. The second section focuses on the role of conflict resolution in society and how it could become the key to building just societies.
Throughout the book, it is clear that the subjects that concerned Warfield are becoming even more relevant today. World conflicts are less between countries and more within communities confronted with socio-cultural clashes as well as issues related to economic deprivation. Individuals who have been victimized by oppressors or oppressive systems are becoming aware of their rights, while globalization and electronic communication are showing them what structural changes -pacific or otherwise- are happening around the world.
Ranging from the local to the international and integrating theory with ideas and practice, this work will be a unique learning resource and reference for both students and practitioners of conflict resolution, while highlighting the legacy and contemporary relevance of a leading thinker.

This wide-ranging book analyses EU-Asia security relations in a systematic, substantive and comparative manner. The contributions assess similarities and differences between the EU and its Asian partners with respect to levels of threat perception, policy response and security cooperation in the context of historical, institutional and external factors - such as the influence of the United States. The book presents original empirical research organised in four parts: a number of contributions providing discussions of the global context in which EU-Asia security relations develop; a series of chapters covering the range of dimensions of EU-Asian security, including both traditional and non-military aspects of security; chapters addressing the specific issues touching on bilateral relations between the EU and its partners in the Asia-Pacific region; and a final part presenting the overall findings across the various contributions together with the future outlook for EU-Asia security relations.

This book is the first systematic scientific study of global quasi-legislation. Taking public opinion and multilateral agreements as the international equivalent to national election and passing laws on the national scale, and extending nation-state concepts to a global society, it analyzes citizens' preferences and the state's willingness to enter into 120 multilateral treaties. After identifying the links as a first step toward conceptualizing quasi-legislative global politics, the book examines how each of the 193 states manifests quasi-legislative behavior by factor-analyzing six instrumental variables such as treaty participation index and six policy domains of multilateral treaties, including peace and trade. It then discusses global change between 1989 and 2008, and conceptually and empirically examines the three theories of global politics that originated during that period: the theory of power transition, theory of civilizational clash and theory of global legislative politics. Lastly, it proposes a theory of global legislative politics. Shedding fresh light on the transformative nature of multilateral treaties, this book attracts researchers and students in political philosophy, international law and international relations as well as practitioners and journalists. Inoguchi and Le have developed a genuinely original perspective on world politics, one that opens up a new research agenda for thinking about state and global actors simultaneously.-- Anne-Marie Slaughter, Bert G. Kerstetter '66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University This is one of those books that warrant a global readership given its emphasis on the implied trust that we invest in public institutions as viewed from an interdisciplinary perspective. -- Richard J. Estes, Professor of Social Policy & Practice, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania This book is innovative and distinctive in carving out a new way to look at "global legislative politics." I do not know of anything that compares in this interesting and novel niche of international relations analysis.-- William R. Thompson, Distinguished Professor and Rogers Chair of Political Science Emeritus, Indiana University

This book critically examines the persistence of market orthodoxy in post-apartheid South Africa and the civil society resistance such policies have generated over a twenty-five-year period. Each chapter unpacks the key political coalitions and economic dynamics, domestic as well as global, that have sustained neoliberalism in the country since the transition to liberal democracy in 1994. Chapter 1 analyzes the political economy of segregation and apartheid, as well as the factors that drove the democratic reform and the African National Congress' (ANC) subsequent abandonment of redistribution in favor of neoliberal policies. Further chapters explore the causes and consequences of South Africa's integration into the global financial markets, the limitations of the post-apartheid social welfare program, the massive labour strikes and protests that have erupted throughout the country, and the role of the IMF and World Bank in policymaking. The final chapters also examine the political and economic barriers thwarting the emergence of a viable post-apartheid developmental state, the implications of monopoly capital and foreign investment for democracy and development, and the phenomenon of state capture during the Jacob Zuma Presidency.

This book explores Turkey-EU relations in the context of natural gas. Utilising the English School theory and narrative policy analysis, the author examines EU narratives on Turkey's role in European energy security in the sphere of natural gas, as well as narratives of Turkish actors on natural gas pipelines and the liberalisation of the natural gas market. The book discusses the extent to which the positions held by Turkish actors on natural gas and energy security constrain and/or enable its integration with the EU. Accordingly, it compares the narratives of the EU and Turkish actors to ascertain how references to the content and scope of the integration varied between January 2001 and July 2019. In the context of this book, "integration" does not necessarily mean Turkey's full membership in the EU. Rather, it refers to different types of relations, which are classified as energy security societies.

This book examines the political economy of the states of Pacific Asia, stretching from Japan to Burma since the end of WWII. "Governance in Pacific Asia" offers a comprehensive account of the diverse experiences of the states in Pacific Asia. Organized thematically around government and business relations in the main sectors of the economy, chapters cover the historical, social, and cultural contexts for such policies as well as the social and political consequences of rapid economic development. They also discuss the increasing economic integration of the region as well as its impact on global affairs and the reverse effect of globalization upon particular political systems. Each chapter contains case studies and examples from anywhere in the region, with some countries appearing more regularly, such as China, Japan, newly industrialized economies, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam. "Governance in Pacific Asia" provides an in-depth comparative survey of a key region in world politics and political economy. An essential text that includes sources from the region in at least three languages (Chinese, Japanese, and Indonesian/Malay), it will be of interest to students and faculty in international relations, developmental politics, Asian politics, and political economy.

Singapore is America's closest security partner in Southeast Asia. The United States has decided to help India become a major world power in the 21st century, an objective that is furthered by the nuclear agreement between them. Singapore's relationship with India is an increasingly pertinent feature of Southeast Asia's political and strategic landscape. Whether these three realities, taken together, lay the basis of a triangular relationship among Singapore, America, and India is the question that this book seeks to answer. The book begins with a review of the notion of Pax Americana and goes on to describe the state of bilateral relations among the three countries as they have evolved since the end of the Cold War. Subsequently, it analyses three core issues - the Global War on Terror, the rise of China, and the agency of democracy in international relations - that play a defining role in relations among Singapore, the United States, and India. The book concludes by suggesting some directions in which these relations might move.

In recent years, a growing literature has focused on how to create more effective and democratic global governance mechanisms to better tackle global challenges such as health epidemics, global hunger, Internet surveillance or the consequences of climate change. Yet there is a gap in accessible published material to reflect contributions of democratic states from the global South. Among these democracies from the global South, Brazil is a popular case for teachers and researchers looking to study global governance mechanisms. This book provides students with a framework that challenges the Western-centred views on questions of how to democratise global governance processes, arguing that developing democracies from the global South have developed serious and sustainable approaches to a more democratic global system. With chapters on Brazil's responses to global food security, the purchase of drugs, open government initiatives and internet governance, this book opens up contemporary and novel practices of democracy for examination.

This book analyzes the state of global governance in the current geopolitical environment. It evaluates the main challenges and discusses potential opportunities for compromise in international cooperation. The book's analysis is based on the universal criteria of global political stability and the UN framework of sustainable development. By examining various global problems, including global economic inequality, legal and political aspects of access to resources, international trade, and climate change, as well as the attendant global economic and political confrontations between key global actors, the book identifies a growing crisis and the pressing need to transform the current system of global governance. In turn, it discusses various instruments, measures and international regulation mechanisms that can foster international cooperation in order to overcome global problems. Addressing a broad range of topics, e.g. the international environmental regime, global financial problems, issues in connection with the energy transition, and the role of BRICS countries in global governance, the book will appeal to scholars in international relations, economics and law, as well as policy-makers in government offices and international organizations.

This book explores the thirty-year border conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, specifically around the former autonomous republic of Nagorno Karabakh, and shows how Russia is the only winner in this conflict: fighting on both sides, supplying arms to both sides, and acting as the arbiter between the two sides. The author looks at Armenia, Azerbaijan and the separatists from military, political, economic and diplomatic perspectives, and offers insights on how the fighting has influenced society, and vice versa. The book provides an update to the history of the war to include major fighting in 2020, and examines how Russia obtained three military bases and most economic assets in Armenia, while becoming Azerbaijan's major weapons supplier to the tune of six billion dollars. It shows how Russia has tried to sideline the internationally-supported Minsk negotiations in favor of Russia assuming the sole role of arbiter, and argues that even though Russia has submitted a number of ceasefire proposals, it does little to encourage the sides to implement them. The book includes a discussion of international law, United Nations Resolutions, and rulings by the European Court of Human Rights.

China's rise to global economic and strategic eminence, with the potential for achieving pre-eminence in the greater-Asian region, is one of the defining characteristics of the post-Cold War period. This work offers a basic understanding of the military-strategic basis and trajectory of a rising China, provides background, and outlines current and future issues concerning China's rise in strategic-military influence.

The next decade may witness China's assertion of military or strategic pressure on Japan, the Korean Peninsula, India, the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, Central Asia, or even on behalf of future allies in Africa and Latin America. While conflict is not a foregone conclusion, as indicated by China's increasing participation in many benign international organizations, it is a fact that China's leadership will pursue its interests as it sees them, which may not always coincide with those of the United States, its friends, and allies.

Until now, no single volume has existed that provides an authoritative, comprehensive, and concise description of China's evolving geo-strategy or of how China is transforming its military to carry out this strategy. Fisher examines how China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) remains critical to the existence of the Chinese Communist government and looks at China's political and military actions designed to protect its expanded strategic interests in both the Asia-Pacific and Central to Near-Asian regions. Using open sources, including over a decade of unique interview sources, Fisher documents China's efforts to build a larger nuclear force that may soon be protected by missile defenses, modern high technology systems for space, air, and naval forces, and how China is now beginning to assemble naval, air, and ground forces for future power projection missions. His work also examines how the United States and other governments simultaneously seek greater engagement with China on strategic concerns, while hedging against its rising power. Although China faces both internal and external constraints on its rise to global eminence, it cannot be denied that China's government is pursuing a far-reaching strategic agenda.

Drone Nation unveils an unexpected scenario where international drone warfare leads to a state of permanent war through increasing numbers of assassinations of the western world's declared enemies. It provides historical context for the rise and acceptance of drone warfare and examines likely future impacts. The book discusses the broad political-economic forces at play in the United States. Topics include US strategic traditions, domestic political institutions, military-industrial complex, intra-military pressures, think tanks, media, and international law. The authors argue that social progress is not necessarily continuous. While there was widespread social and economic progress from the 1950s through 1970s in the United States, the country is now in a period of economic and political regression. The rise of drone warfare, and the domestic use of drones, is partly to blame. This gradual and important change signals a major departure from the traditional embrace of international law, military ethics, and domestic privacy.

From 2002 to 2008, the Bush administration argued that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, despite years of inconclusive International Atomic Energy Agency inspection reports. In the absence of substantive evidence, much of the debate was conducted via public forums with a heavy persuasive element to the discourse. This book offers an in-depth consideration of the rhetoric surrounding Irans controversial nuclear programme. It takes an interdisciplinary approach, examining speeches, interviews, news reports, online message boards and newspaper layouts during the Bush Presidency (2000-2008). Engaging with visual grammar and narrative, the book looks at layouts from the Associated Press, The New York Times and The Washington Post, amongst others. The book points out, using rhetorical theory and discourse analysis, the conditions that lent credibility to the Bush administrations position by examining the arguments Bush and his political surrogates put forward, and the discourse strategies that influenced which ideas gained salience and which were downplayed. Political communication and Foucaults theory of governmentality are brought in to articulate the implications regarding the influence, importance and expansion of executive power.

Northern Ireland presents a fundamental challenge for the sociology of religion - how do religious beliefs, attitudes and identities relate to practices, violence and conflict? In other words, what does religion do? These interrogations are at the core of this book. It is the first critical and comprehensive review of the ways in which the social sciences have interpreted religion's significance in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines the shortcomings of existing interpretations and, in turn, suggests alternative lines of thinking for more robust and compelling analyses of the role(s) religion might play in Northern Irish culture and politics. Through, and beyond, the case of Northern Ireland, the second objective of this book is to outline a critical agenda for the social study of religion, which has theoretical and methodological underpinnings. Finally, this work engages with epistemological issues which never have been addressed as such in the Northern Irish context: how do conflict settings affect the research undertaken on religion, when religion is an object of political and violent contentions? By analysing the scope for objective and critical thinking in such research context, this critical essay intends to contribute to a sociology of the sociology of religion.

This book documents the political ecosystem that legitimized violent military action against military-age males in US military operations after September 11, 2001. It first introduces the military-age male as a category used to identify insurgent combatants who have blended into civilian environments. Though US officials maintained that military-age males were not automatically assumed to be combatants, defense and intelligence professionals nevertheless used biases related to gender, age, religion and race to interpret the battlespace. Based on an analysis of the Obama administration's decision to exclude adolescent boys and men from drone warfare's collateral damage count, and an examination of similar problems with combatant identification under the Bush administration, the author argues that the military-age male category contributed to the deterioration of civilian protection. The concluding chapters discusses the link between counterinsurgency, drone warfare, and emerging trends in artificial intelligence and autonomy in weapons systems, highlighting the relation between algorithmic discrimination and the misidentification of civilians as combatants.

Inspired by Machiavelli's classic "The Prince," Leslie H. Gelb offers illuminating guidelines on how American power actually works and should be wielded in today's tumultuous world. Writing with the perspective of four decades of extraordinary access and influence in government, think tanks, and journalism, Gelb provides an incisive look at the major U.S. foreign-policy triumphs and tragedies of the past half century, and offers practical rules on how to effectively exercise power today. "Power Rules" is an impassioned challenge to both liberals and conservatives and a plea to reclaim the true meaning of power and the essential role of common sense in solving global problems.

The Chinese triangle of mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan constitutes one of the most dynamic regions in the world economy. Since the late 1970s, these three societies have experienced increasing economic integration; however, studies aimed at analyzing and explaining this integration have often overlooked the very important role social institutions have played in the shaping of this process. To fill this gap, this book adopts a systematic institutional approach designed to examine the different patterns of institutions in the three countries and to discuss how such social institutions as the economy, gender, social networks, and the Chinese diaspora have exerted a profound impact on all three societies. The chapters, taken together, argue that different patterns of institutional configuration have led to divergent paths of development, and that this divergence will have significant implications on the prospects for Chinese national reunification in the twenty-first century.

The Introductory chapter provides a historical discussion on the origins and the transformation of the Chinese triangle during the second half of the twentieth century. The remainder of the volume is broken into four topics considered crucial for understanding the transformation of the Chinese triangle: economic transformation, gender, social networks, and the Chinese diaspora. As globalization impacts the Chinese triangle, studies that consider the issues from the perspective of social institutions will be increasingly important to understanding the area as it develops in the world economy.