A Republic of Europeans looks at the changing routes and conditions of the European polity from a liberal republican angle, proposing an innovative regulative ideal for Europe's future. The book assesses the prospects for uniting diverse publics into a composite polity with its own sense of 'demos-hood'. It also places Europe's normative evolution in the wider context of an ordered global plurality made up of highly interrelated actors. In examining whether the European Union has reached a point which might be telling of an end state, the book offers a depiction of the whole as an 'organized synarchy' of entwined sovereignties, arguing that the envisaged transition from a synarchy of co-sovereigns to a self-identifying citizenry requires the constitution of a 'Republic of Europeans'. A polity which, corresponding to the liberal republican vision of 'many peoples, one demos', regulates contemporary forms of pluralism, which the authors approach as instances of a 'civic polyculturalism'. Offering new understandings on Europe's normative evolution, this book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students in politics, Government, European studies, international relations, international organization and political theory. Doctoral students, postdoctoral and advanced researchers, as well as policy makers in government and international organizations, will also find much to interest them in this book. Contents: Preface; 1. The Global Plurality; 2. Retheorizing Europe; 3. 'One Great Republic'?; 4. Reflective Projections; 5. Postscript: Directions; References; Index

Chinese President Xi Jinping launched the Silk Road Economic Belt component of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative at Kazakhstan in 2013. OBOR is a development strategy and framework that focuses on connectivity and cooperation among countries primarily in Eurasia. It consists of two main components, the land-based 'Silk Road Economic Belt' (SREB) and ocean-going 'Maritime Silk Road' (MSR). This book studies the equilibrium or balance between overland and maritime trade routes of OBOR.This book has two major sections. The interpretive section examines contemporary media narratives related to the OBOR initiative and how contemporary commentators appropriate narratives about historical events related to the maritime Silk Road to interpret current policy agendas and legitimize diplomatic or economic exchanges. In terms of institutional studies, the chapters related to Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) will look at the issues facing the Bank in its quest in forming a new world platform for multilateral development financing.The other section, the empirical case study of the publication highlights the fact that Euro-China High Speed Rail (HSR) and Central Asia-China HSR are not viable at the moment as passenger volume is not sufficient to justify the HSR line. This section examines the overland route of the OBOR and looks at recent Chinese HSR history and conventional sub-high speed rail technology development, and identifies technical & economic criteria determining the appropriate technology for a certain line. The chapter in this section will use the developed criteria to analyze the various rail linkage projects currently under study in the OBOR framework, highlight the economic, bureaucratic and geo-political challenges that these projects likely face and lay down conditions that will determine the outcome of these projects.

This volume investigates the course of Anglo-French policy in Europe from 1936 to 1938, a critical period during which France was governed by a series of Popular Front coalition Ministries. It asserts that French policy-makers made a substantial impact upon the course of British foreign policy whilst breathing new life into the waning Entente Cordiale. The study contends that close attention to the role of French influence is fundamental to a grasp of British appeasement and rearmament policy in the period and essential to the understanding of the Anglo-French response to such problems as the Spanish Civil War, the collapse of League of Nations authority and the treatment of the Soviet Union. This text should be useful reading for students of British or French political history or the origins of World War II in Europe.

Originally published in 1912. Author: Norman Angel Language: English Keywords: Social Sciences Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. Obscure Press are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork.

This book provides a survey of the U.S. civilian and military agencies responsible for postconflict reconstruction and peace-building around the world and how these agencies function in the interagency process. U.S. Peacefare: Organizing American Peace-Building Operations surveys the evolution of the American peace-building apparatus during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, with an emphasis on changes since 2003, when the invasion of Iraq led the Bush Administration to adopt a Clinton-style nation-building approach they had previously vigorously opposed. U.S. Peacefare begins with a historical overview of official U.S. peace-building, then looks at the organization and interaction of the major federal agencies in the National Security Council, the State Department, and the Defense Department, as well the U.S. Institute for Peace, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Throughout, author and former Ambassador Dane Smith emphasizes how a deeper understanding of peace-building organizations and their interactions in particular cases is essential to strengthening future U.S. conflict management. The book addresses the critical overall issue of how peace-building is funded, but within the federal budget and internationally, and concludes with Smith's recommendations for reforming those organizations. Includes original tables on the financing of peace-building activities Provides organizational charts and flow charts Presents sidebars featuring individual officials who played an interesting role in U.S. peace-building activities for their agency or office Offers a comprehensive glossary of acronyms

The Russian regime's struggle for internal control drives multifaceted actions in cyberspace that do not stop at national borders. Cybercrime, technical hacking, and disinformation are complementary tools to preserve national power internally while projecting effects onto myriad neighbors and rivals. Russian activity in the cyber domain is infamous in the United States and other Western countries. Weaponizing Cyberspace explores the Russian proclivity, particularly in the 21st century, for using cyberspace as an environment in which to launch technical attacks and disinformation campaigns that sow chaos and distraction in ways that provide short-term advantage to autocrats in the Kremlin. Arguing that Russia's goal is to divide people, Sambaluk explains that Russia's modus operandi in disinformation campaigning is specifically to find and exploit existing sore spots in other countries. In the U.S., this often means inflaming political tensions among people on the far left and far right. Russia's actions have taken different forms, including the sophisticated surveillance and sabotage of critical infrastructure, the ransoming of data by criminal groups, and a welter of often mutually contradictory disinformation messages that pollute online discourse within and beyond Russia. Whether deployed to contribute to hybrid war or to psychological fracture and disillusionment in targeted societies, the threat is real and must be understood and effectively addressed. Explains how the legacy of Soviet information operations and the modern examples of Russian information operations are similar but not identical to one another Explores the development of Russian domestic information operations techniques that can now be applied against foreign powers Describes the relationships between technical attacks and disinformation often used in confrontations with countries along Russia's borders Examines the role of Russian information operations in U.S. social and political discourse Considers the implications of other countries' reactions that attempt to eliminate the Russian information operation's ability to influence society

Read the Introduction.

Culture is the lens through which we make sense of the world. In any conflict, from petty disputes to wars between nation-states, the players invariably view that conflict through the filter of their own cultural experiences. This innovative volume prompts us to pause and think through our most fundamental assumptions about how conflict arises and how it is resolved.

Even as certain culturally based disputes, such as the high-profile cases in which an immigrant engages in conduct considered normal in the homeland but which is explicitly illegal in his/her new country, enter public consciousness, many of the most basic intersections of culture and conflict remain unexamined. How are some processes cultured, gendered, or racialized? In what ways do certain groups and cultures define such concepts as "justice" and "fairness" differently? Do women and men perceive events in similar fashion, use different reasoning, or emphasize disparate values and goals?

Spanning a wide array of disciplines, from anthropology and psychology to law and business, and culling dozens of intriguing essays, The Culture and Conflict Reader is edited for maximum pedagogical usefulness and represents a bedrock text for anyone interested in conflict and dispute resolution.

Contributors include: Kevin Avruch, Peter W. Black, Jeffrey Z. Rubin, Frank E. A. Sander, John Paul Lederach, Heather Forest,"" Sara Cobb, Janet Rifkin, Ryunosuke Akutagawa, Laura Nader, Pat Chew, Stella Ting-Toomey, Harry C. Triandis, Christopher McCusker, C. Harry Hui, Anita Taylor, Judi Beinstein Miller, Carol Gilligan, Trina Grillo, James W. Grosch, Karen G. Duffy, Paul V. Olczak, Michele Hermann, MarthaChamallas, Loraleigh Keashly, Phil Zuckerman, Tracy E. Higgins, Howard Gadlin, Janie Victoria Ward, Kyeyoung Park, Taunya Lovell Banks, Margaret Read MacDonald, Mary Patrice Erdmans, Manu Aluli Meyer, Doriane Lambelet Coleman, Bruce D. Bonta, Paul E. Salem, Mohammed Abu-Nimer, Marc H. Ross, Z.D. Gurevitch, Mari J. Matsuda, Charles R. Lawrence III, Hsien Chin Hu, Glenn R. Butterton, Walter Otto Weyrauch, Maureen Anne Bell, Martti Gronfors, Thomas Donaldson, Marjorie Shostak, and Heather Forest.

The Falklands War of 1982 figures prominently in recent British history. The impact this conflict had on Western Europe and the tensions it caused within the European Community has not, however, been properly examined.This book, written by leading experts, throws new light on the workings of EC foreign policy, national foreign policies, and the relationship between individual states, as seen in an unusual moment of crisis. The authors compare the reactions of the respective governments, political parties, the media and public opinion, and examine the domestic dimensions of foreign policy-making in the countries involved. Particular attention is paid to Spain, the only country to depart from the original European consensus. Complicating factors included its historical ties with Latin America, its accession to NATO membership in June 1982, and its bid to join the EC. Other countries of particular interest are Italy, Ireland and Denmark, who broke ranks with the common European position after a month because of economic interests, ingrained attitudes and legal considerations are also analyzed.

The gripping story of a turning point in global affairs, as politicians belatedly awaken to serious systemic threats. This is the inside story of a revolution in China policy, from Washington to Brussels, Berlin to New Delhi. The Rupture explains how many of the Western politicians, thinkers and business leaders closest to Beijing have become its sharpest opponents; how the COVID-19 pandemic dramatically accelerated this collective rethink; and why 5G represents the first test case as to whether China may win the battle for the future. Noted China expert Andrew Small offers a kaleidoscopic picture of a rivalry ranging far beyond 'great power' politics. He traces US efforts to recast relations with old allies, as Washington realises that it cannot confront China alone, charting Europe's growing role in the technological and economic contest, and Beijing's attempts to build a coalition of its own, from Moscow to Taliban-run Kabul. As competition grows between systems, the Western model itself is transforming-for China's rise changes the balance of ideas as much as the balance of power.

This collection of essays by leading scholars and diplomats involved with the area examines the key political and economic issues facing Japan, Russia, and their neighbors since the end of the Cold War. The main goal is to analyze recent developments in Moscow-Tokyo bilateral relations and their growing interest in closer economic engagement, stability, and regional cooperation.

The volume provides readers with an in-depth analysis of the very problems and opportunities that compelled the national leaders of Japan and Russia to drastically change the format and contents of the dialogue, to address the most critical issues not only of the moment but also for the future. The volume is a crucial resource for scholars, policy makers, and students involved with Asia-Pacific economic cooperation and Japanese and Russian foreign policy.

This study critically examines for the first time the unlikely friendship between apartheid South Africa and non-white Japan. In the mid-1980s, Japan became South Africa's largest trading partner, while South Africa purportedly treated Japanese citizens in the Republic as honorary whites under apartheid. Osada probes the very different foreign policy-making mechanisms of the two nations and analyzes their ambivalent bilateral relations against the background of postcolonial and Cold War politics. She concludes that these diplomatic policies were adopted not voluntarily or willingly, but out of necessity due to external circumstances and international pressure.

Why did Japan exercise sanctions against South Africa in spite of their strong economic ties? How effective were these sanctions? What did the sensational term honorary whites actually mean? When and how did this special treatment begin? How did South Africa get away with apparently treating the Japanese as whites but not Chinese, other Coloureds, Indians, and so forth? By using Japan's "sanctions" against South Africa and South Africa's "honorary white" treatment of the Japanese as key concepts, the author describes the development of bilateral relations during this unique era. The book also covers the fascinating historical interaction between the two countries from the mid-17th century onward.

Borawski and Young provide a serious analysis of the major issues confronting European-North American relations. They draw detailed attention to the fundamental political and military issues before the Atlantic Alliance.

They illustrate that NATO remains essential to Euro-Atlantic security. Only the Atlantic Alliance can bring to bear well-tested military capability under US leadership to promote its members security, interests, and democratic values. However, to remain vital, the Alliance must undertake a serious review of its major purposes: enlargement to the former Warsaw Pact nations, a strategic partnership with Russia, defense against weapons of mass destruction, and a more mature transatlantic relationship drawing on the lessons of the former Yugoslavia. This is an important assessment for policymakers, military planners, scholars, students, and others concerned with current European-American relations.

This remarkable collection commemorates the 70th anniversary of the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference by revisiting the important legacies of both the Peace Treaty and the US-Japan Security Treaty have had on the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific. Drawing on multiple perspectives, the volume conveys the hopes and fears that the authors have for the domestic and international politics of the region. In a post Trumpian world marked by the US-China tensions amidst a raging pandemic, the region's continued prosperity looks exceedingly grim. Would the arrangements made in 1951 continue to have relevance for an Indo-Pacific region beset by great power rivalry and potential conflict fuelled by contending nationalisms, clashing interests and territorial disputes? Through a rigorous debate based on the latest empirical developments, the volume explores various ways where by the spirit and legacies of San Francisco arrangements can be meaningfully preserved and enhanced. In order for the region stronger and more prosperous in the post-pandemic world, the countries have to come together to enhance the existing security architecture to contain great power rivalry and ensure that a regional order capable of addressing problems of the 21st century eventually evolves.

A thoughtful interpretation of the roles of four print news media in the origins of the abrasive relationship between the Soviet Union and the US after WW II. It is based on a content analysis of the "Chicago Tribune," the "New York Herald Tribune," the "San Francisco Chronicle," and "Time" magazine. Liebovich describes the idiosyncrasies in the staffs and leadership of each medium and links those unique characteristics to their positions on the Cold War. . . . Liebovich is a veteran newsman who has amassed excellent data to support his thesis. The writing is clear and concise. "Choice"

This unprecedented study of the media's role during the early stages of the cold war focuses on four major news organizations: the "New York Herald Tribune," the "Chicago Tribune," the "San Francisco Chronicle," and "Time" magazine. Based on interviews with journalists who covered the news from 1944 to 1947, the book details the attitudes and predilections of the organizations involved and reveals the concerns of the writers themselves. The author rejects previously held views on the inevitability of the cold war--demonstrating that news coverage not only included but also reinforced popular images of the Soviet Union after World War II.

As Marko Dumancic writes in his introduction to Gender, Sexuality, and the Cold War, ""despite the centrality of gender and sexuality in human relations, their scholarly study has played a secondary role in the history of the Cold War. . . . It is not an exaggeration to say that few were left unaffected by Cold War gender politics; even those who were in charge of producing, disseminating, and enforcing cultural norms were called on to live by the gender and sexuality models into which they breathed life."" This underscores the importance of this volume, as here scholars tackle issues ranging from depictions of masculinity during the all-consuming space race, to the vibrant activism of Indian peasant women during this period, to the policing of sexuality inside the militaries of the world. Gender, Sexuality, and the Cold War brings together a diverse group of scholars whose combined research spans fifteen countries across five continents, claiming a place as the first volume to examine how issues of gender and sexuality impacted both the domestic and foreign policies of states, far beyond the borders of the United States, during the tumult of the Cold War.

The world is reaching a nuclear tipping point, and a catastrophe looms. Even the United Nations can't seem to do anything about the threat.

Given the circumstances, people everywhere need to unite to prevent a disaster. In this new study, peace activist R. B. Herath explains what's at stake and what everyday people can do to solve the problem.

Here are some of the questions Herath seeks to answer: What are the major violent conflicts in the world today? Is there any guarantee that none of the ongoing violent conflicts will deteriorate into a worldwide fiasco? If there is no such guarantee, what needs to be done to prevent such an eventuality? Is there anything more to be done to ensure lasting peace on the planet?

By taking steps to prevent tension from building up to a tipping point and by building a stronger system of checks and balances, it's possible to resolve conflicts at all levels through peaceful means.

Join Herath as he seeks to change habits that promote war to habits that promote peace in the face of the present troubled state of the world.

Mental Maps in the Era of Detente and the End of the Cold War recreates the way in which the revolutionary changes of the last phase of the Cold War were perceived by fifteen of its leading figures in the West, East and developing world.

More than ever before, ethnic struggle finds expression in the growing incidence and scale of displaced persons and refugee flows, as well as in exacerbated levels of ethnic minority abuse and involuntary assimilation. Demographic and political sources of instability in multi-ethnic societies assure the continuing significance of ethnic strife and the potential for intrastate ethnic violence far into the next millennium. While not all disagreements between ethnic groups can be expected to escalate into violence, more than a few have produced intractable and destructive conflicts, and one or more of these conflicts could ultimately reach levels that overwhelm international resources and capabilities.

Carment and Harvey examine how regional and international security organizations can prevent destructive ethnic conflict and manage cases in which violence already is at hand. First they develop a conceptual framework for advancing basic research on the prevention and management of intrastate ethnic violence. They evaluate theoretical knowledge about the nature of ethnic conflict, using case material and quantitative assessments, and they apply these assumptions against recent instances of conflict management through an in-depth study of NATO's involvement in Kosovo and Bosnia. This book serves as an important research tool for students, scholars, and policy makers involved with ethnic conflict and international relations.

Thailand's political problems attracted international attention when yellow shirted anti-Thaksin protestors closed down Bangkok's international airports in November 2008; the following April pro-Thaksin red shirts prevented an ASEAN-East Asia Summit, and clashed violently with the army in the streets of Bangkok. Conflict between groups for and against former Prime Minister Thaksin has polarized Thai society. Under his watch, violence also returned to the Malay Muslim south, with the loss of over 3,000 lives. The military coup that ousted Thaksin was supposed to end all this, but instead polarization increased and southern violence continued. This book is about how Thaksin divided Thailand, the nature of the southern conflict, and problematic attempts to establish a consensus around a post-Thaksin political order.

This admirable book contains fascinating autobiographical accounts, by some of Southeast Asia's most eminent scholars, concerning their struggle to find their own voices in interpreting the region to which they belong. The book should be indispensable to anyone interested in thinking about knowledge production and its politics in a postcolonial world. In the views of these scholarly Southeast Asians, we are made to see, in very personal terms, the link between the global crisis in the social sciences and the need to find remedies for it that are neither Eurocentric nor parochially anti-Western.-Professor Alexander WoodsideProfessor of Chinese and Southeast Asian HistoryUniversity of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada.

From the mid-19th century to the early Cold War, the United States has a long history with China, and that interaction has not always been positive or productive. This brief history of foreign intervention in China, viewed through the experiences of the United States Marines, examines how the occupying powers dealt with a fellow sovereign nation. In many cases this involved the partition or outright absorption of Chinese territory through naked aggression. Clark contends that, considering the past two centuries, the Chinese have good reason to distrust all foreigners, and he urges the pursuit of a badly needed rapprochement.

This is, however, also the story of the evolution of the Marine Corps as a separate service. Although an occupying force, the Marines did make considerable efforts to earn the friendship of the Chinese people. Always on the brink of extinction due to budgetary cuts and the enmity of the army and navy, the Marines managed to perform an onerous and difficult duty in a foreign land. With a resurgent China constantly testing the United States, a fellow Pacific Rim nation, every policymaker should be well aware of the often difficult history that we share and the mistakes that have been made in the past.

This stimulating book addresses the relationship between market authority and political authority - a favourite theme of Susan Strange to whom the book is dedicated. From a survey of the bias against capital liberalisation in economic thought to an analysis of the US role in global monetary affairs, it discusses how and why free capital flows contribute to the instability of the global capitalist system. The internationally renowned contributors analyse the history and theory of international capital flows to make sense of contemporary global investments and what they mean for global polity and the economy. They argue over the challenges of integrating large developing countries into a liberal world order and the consequences of the multilateral system for the world's poor. In further discussions they investigate the sustainability of global capitalism in light of financial crises, widespread inequality and the uncertain future for traditional welfare states. They also advance various mechanisms through which they believe greater stability and equity could be introduced into the global financial system and the world economy. Implicit in these arguments is the shared belief that tensions between visions of a rule-based, liberal world and concepts of a more equitable distribution of resources drive most of the major conflicts in the global economy. Investigating the economic, political and social drawbacks of volatile global finance, and the human choices required to introduce stability, equity and a sense of purpose to the world economy, Markets and Authorities will be an invaluable addition to the fields of economics, political science, political economy and international business.

Garret deals with the issue of humanitarian intervention, of which the recent Kosovo conflict provides a prime example. Even though the writing of this book was completed before NATO began its intervention on behalf of the Kosovars, the book provides a valuable background for assessing the Kosovo issue--it lays out the history of previous humanitarian interventions and analyzes the controversies surrounding them. Garret provides a sophisticated framework by which such interventions can be evaluated both morally and pragmatically. His book offers some particularly relevant material on the American role in humanitarian interventions. This book is valuable for those who wish to make sense of the pros and cons of humanitarian efforts in international hot spots, like Kosovo.

After an analysis of the legal and philosophical issues bearing on the idea of humanitarian intervention, defined as the use of force by one or more states to remedy severe human rights abuses in a particular country--this study focuses upon the moral duties that individual members of the international community have toward the welfare of others. Recent events have indicated that humanitarian intervention will likely play a larger role in international relations in the future. Examples in the contemporary period include Kosovo Somalia, Liberia, Haiti, the Kurds in Iraq, Uganda, and East Pakistan. This book emphasizes the role of the United States in humanitarian intervention and argues that increased American involvement is essential.

Garrett suggests that the American people as a whole may be more prepared to see the United States take an active role in humanitarian intervention than are certain media and government elites. Strong national leadership that stresses the moral duty of the United States will be necessary to tap this latent altruism in order to contribute to higher standards of international human rights. Individual topics include assessment criteria for the moral legitimacy of intervention, unilateral versus multilateral efforts, and factors that appear to persuade or dissuade states from participating in such intervention. This volume focuses on certain themes and patterns in humanitarian intervention, which are then illustrated by using historical data taken from a variety of different examples.

This volume examines cooperation between the United States and Europe on a range of global issues. With the Soviet threat no longer a unifying factor, the transatlantic partners have sought a new basis for acting together in the post-Cold War era. The conditions and strategies that determine the success or failure of cooperation in areas such as restructuring relations with the East countering the threat of weapons proliferation dealing with so called 'rogue' states, and managing the global economy are explored.