This is a challenging and stimulating collection of twenty-one essays by international contributors. Their topics are as varied as the cultures and disciplines they themselves represent. We are invited to go beyond present complexities and take a far future perspective. Business, so often cast as the villain, is given a transforming role of rescuing us from the mess we are in. We are shown practical and achievable steps to bring peace and cooperation to the Middle East and an end to war. Conventional scientific methods are also tested and found wanting. These essays resonate with the interconnectedness and interdependence of the issues that face us: they also demonstrate that the solutions we seek are achievable but must also reflect that same interconnectedness. They show that to become mesmerized by the problems we face is to lose sight of the possibilities. These visions are a refreshing antidote to a growing tide of pessimism about the future.

The 2001 invasion of Afghanistan by United States and coalition forces was followed by a flood of aid and development dollars and "experts" representing well over two thousand organisations-each with separate policy initiatives, geopolitical agendas, and socioeconomic interests. This book examines the everyday actions of people associated with this international effort, with a special emphasis on small players: individuals and groups who charted alternative paths outside the existing networks of aid and development. This focus highlights the complexities, complications, and contradictions at the intersection of the everyday and the geopolitical, showing how dominant geopolitical narratives influence daily life in places like Afghanistan-and what happens when the goals of aid workers or the needs of aid recipients do not fit the narrative. Specifically, this book examines the use of gender, "need," and grief as drivers for both common and exceptional responses to geopolitical interventions. Throughout this work, Jennifer L. Fluri and Rachel Lehr describe intimate encounters at a microscale to complicate and dispute the ways in which Afghans and their country have been imagined, described, fetishized, politicized, vilified, and rescued. The authors identify the ways in which Afghan men and women have been narrowly categorized as perpetrators and victims, respectively. They discuss several projects to show how gender and grief became forms of currency that were exchanged for different social, economic, and political opportunities. Such entanglements suggest the power and influence of the United States while illustrating the ways in which individuals and groups have attempted to chart alternative avenues of interaction, intervention, and interpretation.

This book is a critical analysis of the issues and problems in the U.S. domestic arena and how these affect and interplay with the formulation and implementation of U.S. national security. The threats and challenges of the external environment are examined and analyzed with respect to their impact on the domestic political-social environment. Special attention is placed on the national security establishment. The result is a book that identifies major linkages between the domestic and national security agendas, showing how these agendas affect each other, and what such linkages mean in terms of national security policy and the ability of the United States to design and implement a national security policy that will be appropriate for the 21st century.

This book compares the cross-border integration of infrastructures in Europe such as post, telecommunication and transportation in the 19th century and the period following the Second World War. In addition to providing a unique perspective on the development of cross-border infrastructures and the international regimes regulating them, it offers the first systematic comparison of a variety of infrastructure sectors, identifies general developmental trends and supplies theoretical explanations. In this regard, integration is defined as international standardization, network building and the establishment of international organizations to regulate cross-border infrastructures.

As the prime force behind trade throughout the Western Hemisphere, the United States is emerging with two trade projects--the newly-signed North American Free Trade Agreement and the projected New American Community. This volume provides a clear, concise guide to all aspects of the 5-volume NAFTA accord, its side agreements, and the unfolding New American Community. It covers specific issues, rationalizations, ideologies, controversies, and recommended actions. With special emphasis on the North American Free Trade Agreement, the volume will provide a major resource for both academics and decision makers in industry and government. Written by a leading authority on U.S. Latin American trade, the volume includes entries, arranged alphabetically, on NAFTA and other trade-related topics. The NAFTA entries are based on the five-volume treaty or official government and nongovernmental publications. Since the New American Community is still emerging, the non-NAFTA entries are interpolations from past trade accords and existing nationwide agreements or ideas based on global concepts and directives, especially the European Union.

Although the Pacific islands were front-page news during the 1941-1945 Pacific War, today they are seldom in the American consciousness--except as a perception of Micheneresque tropical paradises. But the islands--10,000 strong and scattered over nearly one-fifth of the earth's surface--still straddle or remain close to the sea and air lanes that link the United States with Australia and Asia, and carry nearly one-half of U.S. foreign trade. New political interests also exist with the recent emergence of a new panoply of independent Pacific island states, extension of U.S. sovereignty to other Pacific islands, and new defense responsibilities in several states linked to the United States by free association. John C. Dorrance offers an exceptionally authoritative and comprehensive assessment of U.S. interests in and policy toward a poorly understood region. The islands, highly aid dependent and uniquely vulnerable to external influences, have experienced insurrections, military coups, secessionist rebellion, political assassinations, Soviet in-roads, and even Libyan mischief-making. Ethnic conflict and developmental problems also threaten democratic institutions and the region's stability. Dorrance thoroughly explores the regional policy environment and the issues that face the United States. His book is of lasting value to scholars and especially to policy-makers and practitioners.

Cyberspace is everywhere in today s world and has significant implications not only for global economic activity, but also for international politics and transnational social relations. This compilation addresses for the first time the cyberization of international relations - the growing dependence of actors in IR on the infrastructure and instruments of the internet, and the penetration of cyberspace into all fields of their activities. The volume approaches this topical issue in a comprehensive and interdisciplinary fashion, bringing together scholars from disciplines such as IR, security studies, ICT studies and philosophy as well as experts from everyday cyber-practice.

In the first part, concepts and theories are presented to shed light on the relationship between cyberspace and international relations, discussing implications for the discipline and presenting fresh and innovative theoretical approaches.

Contributions in the second part focus on specific empirical fields of activity (security, economy, diplomacy, cultural activity, transnational communication, critical infrastructure, cyber espionage, social media, and more) and address emerging challenges and prospects for international politics and relations."

Since the end of the Cold War, the concept of national security has been widened to include a range of non-military threats to the security of the state. This book explores the underlying tensions between a state-centric concept of security, and the concept of human security with respect to a number of new security threats emanating from situations of forced displacement of populations, terrorism, diseases, food insecurity, and the impacts of climate change, all of which are prevalent in Africa and give a particular resonance to the evolving security discourse. The volume undertakes a thorough interdisciplinary investigation of the tensions between state security and human security in the search for solutions to African crises by the international community and regional actors.

For more than a decade, international troops have been deployed to Afghanistan. Out of all NATO members, this mission was the most difficult for Germany that had thus far never engaged in combat and offensive military activities. This book analyses how Germany's experiences in Afghanistan have changed the country's strategic culture.

This in-depth analysis of the American imperialism debate after the Spanish-American War of 1898 elucidates how Americans understood their international role and national identity during a crucial period of their foreign relations. Transcending the immediate historical context, this book also explores why such debates remain similar and why they end up affirming a belief in American exceptionalism. Obituaries for the idea have frequently been written in response to controversial foreign policies, but exceptionalism remains vibrant and at the heart of the arguments of those who support and those who oppose these policies - whether in the Philippines, Vietnam, or Iraq.

Mosler and Catley examine the rise of the United States to the status of a great power by the beginning of the 20th century, its maturation as a superpower during the co-dominion of the Cold War, and its emergence as a hegemonic power after the collapse of the Soviet Union. As a hegemon it has pursued the globalization of a liberal world order.

The key institutions and characteristics of the United States which enable it to become a hegemonic power, are examined as indicators of its likely behavior as a dominant power in the 21st century. The evolution of the liberal international political and economic order pursued by the United States since World War One and established by the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 is examined in the context of the global meltdown of the late 1990s. The role of the United States in the creation of the system that we now call globalization is scrutinized and its development into the next century is anticipated. In their final section, Mosler and Catley analyze the possible challenges to the United States as a hegemonic power in the 21st century and the prospects for war and peace and social and economic development in the new millennium. This is an important analysis for scholars, researchers, policymakers, and concerned citizens interested in international relations and American foreign policy.

In recent years several Latin American countries have adopted a more assertive and autonomous stance in their foreign policy. The growing rejection of neo-liberalism as an ideological dogma seems to have given space to more pragmatic stances in favour of national interests. Whilst ideological discourse continues to be directed towards both domestic and international audiences with varying intensities and tones, it appears to be combined with clearly pragmatic policies and aims. This book reviews the foreign policy of eleven Latin American countries and argues that a combination of pragmatism and ideology characterises contemporary Latin American approaches to international relations. It analyses whether this is a permanent or contingent feature, what factors affect the mix of pragmatism and ideology, and whether this is an identifiable new pattern of foreign policy in Latin America

The idea of national unification has long been a powerful mobilizing force for nationalist thinkers and ethnic entrepreneurs since the rise of nationalist ideology in the late 1700s. This phenomenon came to be known as "irredentism." During the Cold War, irredentist projects were largely subordinated to the ideological struggle between East and West. After the Cold War, however, the international system has witnessed a proliferation of such conflicts throughout Europe and Asia.

Ambrosio integrates both domestic and international factors to explain both the initiation and settlement of irredentist conflicts. His central argument is that irredentist states confront two potentially contradictory forces: domestic nationalism and pressure from the international community. Irredentist leaders are forced to reconcile their nationalist policies with pressures from the international plane. At the same time, irredentist leaders exploit perceived windows of opportunity in pursuit of their nationalist goals. Ambrosio examines in depth the past, present, and possible irredentist projects of Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, and Armenia within a theoretical and comparative framework. His conclusions yield signficant theoretical findings and important policy implications for both scholars of ethnic conflicts, nationalism, and international relations and policy makers.

A Reader in the History, Culture, and Politics of Modern East Asia presents readings that encourage students to explore issues related to modernization, nationalism, the state, and national identity in China, Japan, and Korea. The reader's Introduction examines the "Washington Consensus" and its competitors, and the 21st century shift in global economic power from the Anglo-American West to China. Each of the three parts that follow is focused on a particular country. Part I explores the Chinese concept of tianxia through interpretation of the hit 2002 movie, Hero; China's household registration (hukou) system and its impacts upon migrant children in Chinese cities; and continuity and change in East Asian patterns of marriage and family. Part II examines aspects of Japanese modernization, nationalism, and state-building from the Meiji era to the present; contemporary challenges at the national level; and the vitality of local politics in this unitary state. Part III considers Korea's and China's movement from "tribute" to "treaty" relations in the 19th century; the development of Korean national identity through sport from the colonial era to 1988; changing South Korean perceptions of North Korean immigrants; and competing models of North Korea as a state. The Conclusion offers a diplomat's overview of the politics of history in East Asia. Students are then provided with a Glossary of terms and concepts. A Reader in the History, Culture, and Politics of Modern East Asia is an excellent resource for undergraduate courses in political science and Asian studies.

Established in 1971 by Singapore, Malaysia, Britain, Australia and New Zealand, the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) has proved to be one of Asia's most enduring military pacts. Since its foundation, the FPDA has functioned as an important confidence building measure between its two Southeast Asian members, and has facilitated interoperability, professionalization and cooperation among the armed forces of the five countries. Crucially, its inherent flexibility and adaptability has enabled it to respond effectively to changes in the geopolitical environment as well as the emergence of new security threats. Now in its fortieth year, the FPDA remains a valuable component of Asia's security architecture in a time of change and uncertainty.

Unlike many other trans-boundary policy areas, international migration lacks coherent global governance. There is no UN migration organization and states have signed relatively few multilateral treaties on migration. Instead sovereign states generally decide their own immigration policies. However, given the growing politicization of migration and the recognition that states cannot always address migration in isolation from one another, a debate has emerged about what type of international institutions and cooperation are required to meet the challenges of international migration. Until now, though, that emerging debate on global migration governance has lacked a clear analytical understanding of what global migration governance actually is, the politics underlying it, and the basis on which we can make claims about what 'better' migration governance might look like.
In order to address this gap, Global Migration Governance brings together a group of the world's leading experts to consider the global governance of different aspects of migration. The chapters offer an accessible introduction to the global governance of low-skilled labor migration, high-skilled labor migration, irregular migration, lifestyle migration, international travel, refugees, internally displaced persons, human trafficking and smuggling, diaspora, remittances, and root causes. Each of the chapters explores the three same broad questions: What, institutionally, is the global governance of migration in that area? Why, politically, does that type of governance exist? How, normatively, can we ground claims about the type of global governance that should exist in that area? Collectively, the chapters enhance our understanding of the international politics of migration and set out a vision for international cooperation on migration.

The start of the 1990s saw the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany into one new nation that would be a formidable economic force around the world. But to many Americans educated by the news and entertainment media, the image of Germany remained a holdover from World War II and the Holocaust. When the American media were not presenting an outdated, jackbooted view of Germany, they were portraying it as a country epitomizing the world's Communist/Capitalist struggle. For three decades the American news and entertainment media presented the image of Germany as being a country hopelessly divided. Now they were faced with a new country and a new set of images to deal with just as Germany exerts itself more powerfully than ever on the world economic scene.

How much attention has this new Germany received in the American media, and how accurate are the new portrayals? Have the media images changed during the 1990s and, if so, how much and in what direction? Willis examines these issues as well as the status of international news in the American media. The result is a book of great interest to scholars, researchers, and students involved with the mass media, contemporary affairs, and European Studies.

This book answers why anti-trade forces in developing countries sometimes fail to effectively exert pressure on their governments. The backlash against globalization spread across several Latin American countries in the 2000s, yet a few countries such as Peru doubled down on their bets on free trade by signing bilateral agreements with the US and the EU. This study uses evidence from three Latin American countries (Peru, Argentina, and Bolivia) to suggest that geography can play a significant role in shaping trade preferences and undermining the formation and clout of distributional coalitions that seek protectionism. Because trade liberalization can have uneven distributional impacts along regional lines, trade liberalization losers can find themselves in unfavorable conditions to associate and engage in collective action. Under these circumstances, few coalitions emerge to battle for protection in the policy arena, and when they do, geographic distance from decision-makers in the capital city can be a significant barrier to realizing their interests. As a result, even where a majority of the population living in regions that have not benefitted from trade elect a leftist president, trade reform reversal will not occur unless protectionist interests are close to the capital city. The contrast between Peru, on one side, and Argentina and Bolivia, on the other, highlights the powerful influence geography can have on reversing trade policy or preserving the status quo.

This book describes six years of conflict management, involving much confrontation and selective diplomacy, during which Cuba was put progressively on the defensive by political (surrogate radio broadcasting and human rights), economic (strengthening the embargo) and military (Grenada) actions. After an overview to mid-1982, the book covers the Reagan-Shultz era chronologically, discussing major bilateral issues and focusing on migration and radio broadcasting, two issues that Cuba linked in 1985. As Coordinator of Cuban Affairs for the U.S. Department of State from 1982-88, Skoug brings considerable experience to his discussion of this fascinating era of U.S. diplomatic relations.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on bloomsburycollections.com. The global economic crisis of 2008-2009 exposed systemic failings at the core of economic policy making worldwide. The crisis came on top of several other crises, including skyrocketing and highly volatile world food and energy prices and climate change. This book argues that new policy approaches are needed to address such devastating global development challenges and to avoid the potentially catastrophic consequences to livelihoods worldwide that would result from present approaches. The contributors to the book are independent development experts, brought together by the UN to identify a development strategy capable of promoting a broad-based economic recovery and at the same time guaranteeing social equity and environmental sustainability both within countries and internationally. This new development approach seeks to promote the reforms needed to improve global governance, providing a more equitable distribution of global public goods. The contributors offer a critical evaluation of past development experiences and report on their creative search for new and well-thought out answers for the future. They suggest that economic progress, fairer societies and environmental sustainability can be compatible objectives, but only when pursued simultaneously by all.

Waging Peace is a re-examination of President Eisenhower's "New Look" program of national security, the foundation for American Cold War policy for the next thirty years. In a turbulent and dangerous stage of East-West relations, with an untested and erratic Soviet leadership and a changing world environment, Eisenhower managed a succession of crises and set a course which ultimately preserved both security and peace. Only now, in the aftermath of the Cold War, can his achievement be fully appreciated.

Joseph Lepgold's book examines the substance of and rationale for the American defense commitment to Europe between 1960 and 1990, a period marked by change in the U.S. world position, and continues into the 1990s, in light of the recent changes in Europe. Lepgold explores how and why political leaders have adapted to this change. His volume is the analysis of a hegemonic state's foreign policy adaption. His study probes such questions as: If policymakers do not adjust basic policy priorities, what other tradeoffs are made? Do these constitute meaningful patterns? Do commitments resist change or are they context-dependent and supple? The focus of this provocative study is on U.S. policy toward Europe, rather than NATO and its European members. Chapter one of The Declining Hegemon provides the background for Chapters two and three's analytic discussion of policy adaption. It examines four policy debates of the late 1970s and 1980s; these discuss past adaption as well as future choices. These debates question the decline of U.S. power; the future U.S. role in Europe--whether any of the 1950 commitments should be adjusted; and the relationship of foreign policy commitments and resources--whether they should grow and decline in tandem. Chapters four through six provide a decade by decade case study of U.S. policy. The last chapter of Lepgold's timely study draws conclusions and suggests future implications in light of recent developments in Europe.

Few issues have divided Poles and Jews more deeply than the Nazi occupation of Poland during the Second World War and the subsequent slaughter of almost ninety percent of Polish Jewry. Many Jewish historians have argued that, during the occupation, Poles at best displayed indifference to the fate of the Jews and at worst were willing accomplices of the Nazis. Many Polish scholars, however, deny any connection between the prewar culture of antisemitism and the wartime situation. They emphasized that Poles were also victims of the Nazis and, for the most part, tried their best to protect the Jews. This collection of essays, representing three generations of Polish and Jewish scholars, is the first attempt since the fall of Communism to reassess the existing historiography of Polish-Jewish relations just before, during, and after the Second World War. In the spirit of detached scholarly inquiry, these essays fearlessly challenge commonly held views on both sides of the debates. The authors are committed to analyzing issues fairly and to reaching a mutual understanding. Joshua D. Zimmerman is an assistant professor of East European Jewish History at Yeshiva University, where he holds the Eli and Diana Zborowski Chair in Holocaust Studies. He is the author of the forthcoming title Poles, Jews and the Politics of Nationality: The Jewish Labor Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Czarist Russia, 1892-1914.

The Taliban's fall and the massive American military and political presence in South and West Asia have created grounds for a polarization into two camps: India, Iran and Russia, to which China is affiliated, and the United States and Pakistan. In Peimani's analysis, their incompatible interests will push them towards confrontations with regional and international implications. Contrary to expectations, the fall of the Taliban did not bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. The Afghan interim government is simply too weak to act as a central government; this results in the re-emergence of warlords, turf wars, and the expansion of drug trafficking. This unstable situation may well result in the emergence of Taliban-like groups. Added to this, the threat of the spillover of instability from Afghanistan into neighboring regions, on the one hand, and the rapid expansion of American military and political power in Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, on the other, have created fear among the regional powers. The stated indefinite stay of American forces well after the end of the anti-terrorist war in Afghanistan has worsened that fear as it reflected the American government's plan to pursue certain strategic interests unrelated to that war. Consequently, as Peimani shows, the regional anti-terrorist coalition has disintegrated in the absence of a common objective to help focus the region. Fear of the long-term American objectives and those of its Pakistani ally in South and West Asia incompatible with those of the regional powers have facilitated the creation of two camps consisting of Iran, India, and Russia, to which China is affiliated, and Pakistan and the United States. Respectively, these implicit and explicit camps are likely to collide over their regional interests especially in the strategically important energy-producing Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea regions.