How can fair cooperation and a stable peace be reached in the international realm? Peace, Justice and International Order discusses this question in the light of John Rawls' The Law of Peoples, offers a new approach to Rawls' international theory and contributes to the discourse on international peace and justice.

While the fate of Africa is much discussed in the West, Westerners rarely hear the voices of Africans themselves in the debate over the future of this imperiled continent. Pan-Africanism aims to unite the many different peoples of Africa and the Diaspora (in the West indies, Latin America, the U.S., and the U.K.). As a political movement, Pan-Africanism first found expression 100 years ago and has since then waxed and waned, according to wars, economic and political tides and the often fickle vicissitudes of Western influence. Bringing together over a dozen influential writers, political leaders, and activists, Pan-Africanism defines what constitutes the movement as we approach the millennium. By addressing such subjects as the role of science and technology in Africa's future and the potential for a Pan-African women's movement, the writers offer a valuable overview of the political economy of uniting across the continent and beyond, at a time when the threat of recolonization looms large.

In Cold War historiography, the 1960s are often described as a decade of mounting diplomatic tensions and international social unrest. At the same time, they were a period of global media revolution: communication satellites compressed time and space, television spread around the world, and images circulated through print media in expanding ways. Examining how U.S. policymakers exploited these changes, this book offers groundbreaking international research into the visual media battles that shaped America's Cold War from West Germany and India to Tanzania and Argentina.

Police personnel have increasingly been deployed outside their own domestic jurisdictions to uphold law and order and to help rebuild states. This book explores the phenomenon of a new international policing and outlines the range of challenges and opportunities it presents to both practitioners and theorists.

Through the prism of the U.S. Constitution and other foundational documents, Edd Applegate's Political and Social Changes in the United States will discuss major transformations in American social and political life since the Founding, beginning with England's expansion in North America, the War of Independence, and the early national period. It proceeds through industrialization, the Civil War, economic growth, progressivism, and the emergence of the United States on the world stage. It concludes with considerations of the Cold War and post-Cold War worlds and new threats and challenges to the United States and its institutions.

The new developments across the Taiwan Strait have illuminated the dilemma of the "One China" policy, which could mislead to inconsistent or even contradictory policies, and result in devastating military confrontation between China and the U.S. and possible Japan.

The second volume in a new series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of World of Information, a Cambridge-based British publisher that since 1975 has published analyses of the politics and economics of all the Middle East countries. The United Arab Emirates is a young country. This title covers the first four decades or so of the country's existence looking at the individual emirates, their rulers and their tribes. Rivalries occasionally became conflicts, but year by year differences have diminished and unity prevailed. In this title each annual overview gives a comprehensive picture.

At the end of the nineteenth century, the United States emerged as an economic colossus in command of a new empire. Yet for the next forty years the United States eschewed the kind of aggressive grand strategy that had marked other rising imperial powers in favor of a policy of moderation. In Power and Restraint, Jeffrey W. Meiser explores why the United States - counter to widely accepted wisdom in international relations theory - chose the course it did. Using thirty-four carefully researched historical cases, Meiser asserts that domestic political institutions and culture played a decisive role in preventing the mobilization of resources necessary to implement an expansionist grand strategy. These factors included traditional congressional opposition to executive branch ambitions, voter resistance to European-style imperialism, and the personal antipathy to expansionism felt by presidents like Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. The web of resilient and redundant political restraints halted or limited expansionist ambitions and shaped the United States into an historical anomaly, a rising great power characterized by prudence and limited international ambitions.

In an international arena where the utility of military force may be declining, statesmen are inclined to search for alternative means of pursuing national policy. The manipulation of international sport is one such means. This book examines the 1980 United States boycott of the Olympic Games in order to assess the desirability and effectiveness of using international sport as a political instrument. Derick L. Hulme, Jr. reveals the pitfalls as well as the opportunities of such diplomacy by using the 1980 Olympic boycott as a framework. Concluding that the boycott was both a success and a failure, Hulme challenges generally accepted views of employing sport as a political instrument. The book points out that while the boycott succeeded in inflicting significant costs upon the Soviet Union for its invasion of Afghanistan, the White House was unable to enlist Western European support, reinforcing the perception that the leadership capabilities of the post-Vietnam United States were in decline.

The book offers comprehensive coverage, from both a descriptive and analytical viewpoint, of the events in 1980 surrounding the decision to boycott. Hulme examines this decision as well as the domestic and international campaigns to rally support for President Carter's initiative. This provides a foundation upon which to critically assess the boycott effort. Finally, the book evaluates the relevance of the 1980 boycott to the emergence of international political sport as a significant policy alternative. Students and scholars of international diplomacy as well as anyone interested in the Olympic Games as a diplomatic tool, will find "The Political OlympicS" a valuable resource.

Out of a slave rebellion, Haiti was forged as an independent nation. This fact, in and of itself, should have been enough to perpetuate an image of Haitians as strong and agentive people. But leaders of countries on both sides of the Atlantic felt threatened by Haiti's beginnings and were intent on sapping it of resources. More than a century of various restrictions on trade, the imposition of crippling fines, and, eventually, a US occupation followed. Yet even as they suffered economically under these penalties, Haitians persisted, some of them becoming influential actors in the world of global politics. Throughout much of the twentieth century and even to this day, there has been a dearth of scholarship on the intellectual and political contributions of Haitians. In the Shadow of Powers, first published in 1985, was a corrective to this oversight and remains a foundational text. Bellegarde-Smith traces the history of Haiti through the life and career of his grandfather Dantes Bellegarde, one of Haiti's influential diplomats and preeminent thinkers. As Brandon R. Byrd describes in his foreword to this new edition, ""Bellegarde was driven by a subversive, racially inclusive vision of civilized progress. He believed in and continued to push for Haiti to establish an existence for itself, black people, and the colonized world independent of the considerable shadow cast by the world's military, economic, and industrial powers."" Scholars and students who want to learn about the intellectual and political foundations of Haiti, its influence on other intellectuals worldwide, and its struggles against imperialism continue to find this to be an invaluable classic.

This book offers an assessment of China's assertive foreign policy behavior with a special focus on Chinese policies in the South China Sea (SCS). By providing a detailed account of the events in the SCS and by analyzing power dynamics in the region, it identifies the driving forces behind China's assertive foreign policy. Considering China's power on a domestic as well as an international level, it examines a number of different sources of hard and soft power, including military, economics, geopolitics, and domestic legitimacy. The author demonstrates that Chinese assertiveness in the SCS can be explained not only by increases in China's power, but also by effective reactions to other actors' foreign policy changes. The book will appeal to scholars in international relations, especially those interested in a better understanding of South China Sea developments, China's political power and foreign policy, and East Asian international affairs.

Friesen demonstrates how transnational CSOs and NGOs can influence the context in which international political decisions are made. She shows how, by reframing the issues, the transnational campaign for the cancellation of third world debt altered the dominant discourse, shifted the agenda and thereby shaped political outcomes.

Ray presents a comprehensive review of U.S. trade policy since World War II, with particular emphasis on how that policy has affected developing countries. Special attention is given to trade policy shifts in the last twenty years in an attempt to determine whether or not U.S. trade concessions to developing countries contribute positively to their efforts to meet their considerable debt obligations. The author combines theoretical discussion with empirical data drawn from the seven leading debtor nations--Argentina, Brazil, Indonesia, Korea, Mexico, the Philippines, and Venezuela--in a provocative examination of the economic and sociopolitical causes and implications of changes in protectionism and the pattern of tariff and nontariff trade barriers in the last few decades.

Following an introductory analysis of the history of protectionism in the United States, Ray explores the role of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) after World War II in eliminating protection and the impact on developing countries of the changes in tariffs and in the use of nontariff trade barriers under the auspices of GATT. Subsequent chapters deal with such issues as the reasons for the adoption of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) adopted in 1975, the relationship between U.S. trade policies since 1975 and the world debt crisis, the reasons behind the adoption of the Caribbean Basin Initiative in 1983, and the 1985 revision of the GSP. A separate empirical chapter assesses the effects of the new GSP legislation on exports to the United States from developing countries in general and from the severely indebted seven in particular. The final chapter is organized around three major themes: the future course of U.S. trade policy, the likely impact of the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement on the United States and Canada, and the Uruguay Round negotiations and the implications of the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 on trade between the United States and the debtor nations. Students of international business, international politics, and economic development will find Ray's analysis of the relationship between trade protectionism and world debt an important contribution to current debates on the causes, effects, and solutions to the Third World debt crisis.

Challenging the traditional focus on economic development, this book emphasizes the importance of cultural development in any development strategy. It examines the interaction of the American and Caribbean populations and the influence that interaction has had on their perceptions of each other and of themselves. Although trade is an important component of U.S.-Caribbean relations, the book underscores that population movements and their attendant cultural influences are powerful factors in those relations.

While trade, population movements, and security considerations have traditionally been the three main components of U.S.-Caribbean relations, the chapters in this contributed book emphasize the importance of a fourth--culture. U.S.-Caribbean relations influence and are influenced by Caribbean perceptions of themselves and of the United States; perceptions that are being transformed by American telecommunications, the movements of American tourists to the Caribbean and of Caribbean immigrants to America. Out of these interactions, a new Caribbean cultural identity is emerging, one that will influence the traditional relationship between the U.S. and the Caribbean.

Exploring bilateral narratives of identity at a socio-discursive level from 1990 onwards, this book provides a new approach to understanding how Chile and Australia imagine and discursively construct each other in light of the bilateral Free Trade Agreement signed in 2008.

Strategically located at the gateway to the South American continent, Colombia has long been a key player in shaping the United States' involvement with its Latin American neighbors. In this book Stephen J. Randall examines the course of U.S.-Colombian relations over two centuries, taking into account the broad spectrum of political, social, cultural, and economic contacts that have figured in the interaction. ,br> A leader in the movement for independence from Spain in the early nineteenth century, Colombia shared with the United States the aspiration of becoming a leader for the entire hemisphere. Its early efforts in this direction - notably its initiation in the 1820s of the first Pan-American Conference - soon languished, however, as the unequal growth between the two countries took its toll. By the turn of the century, after years of destructive civil war, Colombia had slipped far behind its northern neighbor militarily, economically, and politically. The United States, meanwhile, had emerged as a great power, and the first major manifestation of the two countries' divergence came with the U.S.-supported secession of Panama in 1903--an event that deeply shocked Colombians and tainted their view of the United States for subsequent generations. During the twentieth century, Randall explains, a tension in Colombian politics and culture has persisted between those who advocate an independent, even antagonistic, stance toward the United States and those who propound a policy of realism that accepts Colombia's place as a middle, regional power within the U.S. orbit. For its part, the United States has continually failed to realize that Colombians, with their European intellectual heritage stretching back four hundred years, do not see themselves as an insignificant Third World nation. The result has been an often strained relationship, which Randall traces through two world wars, economic booms and depressions, the Cold War, and, finally, the present-day guerrilla conflicts and drug trade controversies.

In this handbook, a diverse range of leading scholars consider the social, cultural, economic, political, and developmental underpinnings of peace. This handbook is a much-needed response to the failures of contemporary peacebuilding missions and narrow disciplinary debates, both of which have outlined the need for more interdisciplinary work in International Relations and Peace and Conflict studies. Scholars, students, and policymakers are often disillusioned with universalist and northern-dominated approaches, and a better understanding of the variations of peace and its building blocks, across different regions, is required. Collectively, these chapters promote a more differentiated notion of peace, employing comparative analysis to explain how peace is debated and contested.

This study argues, based on the author's firsthand experience with five United Nations peacekeeping missions, that classic peacekeepers in the Cold War era could play a limited but nonetheless useful role in international conflict control. However, in the post-Cold War period, some new approaches to peacekeeping and ventures into enforcement have been unsuccessful, and the United Nations has lost much credibility in the art of peacekeeping. In a violent world, peacekeeping will always play a minor supporting role to traditional diplomacy among the great powers and to coalition and alliance efforts to control conflict. The author's involvement in peacekeeping missions in Cyprus, Iran-Iraq, and other parts of the Middle East over the period from 1967 to 1990 gives him a rare and informed perspective on peacekeeping.

This book seeks to identify the reasons why some countries were more efficient and effective than others in responding to the COVID 19 pandemic, and why the global community failed to coalesce. What are the political determinants of the different state responses to the pandemic? Why was scientific advice rejected or ignored in many countries? What has been the role, respectively, of neoliberalism, populism, and authoritarianism in the making of Covid-19 policy? What role have each of these factors played in the uneven and clearly inadequate global response to the pandemic? In an effort to understand why some states failed to handle the pandemic properly, some of the literature suggests that populism is at the root of the current failure of international co-operation. The global financial crisis of 2008-10 triggered significant cooperation within the G-20, led by the combined efforts of the United States and China. These forms of cooperation have clearly disappeared in the context of the pandemic, not only with respect to economic policy but also in public health and management. The authors of this volume link the different state responses to the pandemic-- from its inception to the start of the vaccination campaign, and to the political regimes prevailing in each. In particular, the present volume focuses on a distinction between the responses of neo-liberal regimes, populist regimes and authoritarian ones.

John Rawls' text The Law of Peoples has inspired extensive scholarly debate in the field of international political theory, since its publication in 1999. Responding to the arguments of cosmopolitan theorists and Amartya Sen's recent critique, this new work presents a fresh appraisal of the debate, and argues that Rawls offers a persuasive and prescient moral perspective on issues of global poverty and development. By elaborating one of Rawls' core ideas, 'the duty of assistance', the book offers a unique theoretical response to the ideal of global justice. The duty is presented as a far-reaching principle of justice, one that advocates increasing the state capability of burdened societies, and aims to compel the most powerful states to reform international structures and provide aid, in a constructive and culturally sensitive manner. The aim of assistance is the strengthening of democratic, or 'decent' indigenous institutions and the promotion of the freedom of peoples. On Rawls, Development and Global Justice is an original contribution to current debates on international redistribution, democracy promotion and global poverty.

Nuclear Insecurity is an insider's account of official American efforts to prevent the theft or diversion of nuclear and radiological weapons that could be used by rogue nations or terrorist groups. This perspective draws heavily from the author's work on the White House National Security Council Staff (1996-2000), where he was directly responsible to President Clinton for the development of U.S. nuclear material security policies and, subsequently, at the U.S. Department of Energy, where he directed the department's largest international nuclear security program, focused primarily on Russia. In Caravelli's assessment, despite exceptional bipartisan political support and very high funding levels that have reached over $9 billion, a series of policy mistakes and programmatic bureaucratic missteps have badly compromised the United States government's efforts to protect against the spread of nuclear weapons and materials. The most striking example of the current situation is that the U.S. government, some 12 years after the start of these programs, still has failed to enhance the security of more than 300 metric tons of nuclear materials in Russia alone, enough to make hundreds of nuclear devices. The book concludes with recommendations and policy prescriptions for addressing some of these problems.

Foreign exploitation of economic crises in the developing world has been a central claim of neoliberal critics over the past decade. This important and recurring international economic theme is the subject of closer scrutiny in this new collection, where contributors offer competing interpretations of the interaction between international and domestic forces after crises. In revisiting the aftermath of recent crises in key emerging markets, the collection uncovers the extent to which foreign firms, governments and institutions liberalized and penetrated these economies.

Iran is More than Persia: Ethnic Politics in Iran analyses Iranian politics from a unique perspective, one that focuses on the relations between the Persian-dominated Iranian state and the country's ethnic minorities. The book explores the stability of the ruling regime in light of the challenges that multiethnicity brings. Persians comprise less than half of the population of Iran and more than 40 percent of Iranians lack fluency in the Persian language. An overwhelming majority of non-Persian groups inhabit most of Iran's border regions; as such the book explores Iran's foreign policy toward neighboring states that share co-ethnic populations. Iran's ethnic minorities inhabit the state's poorest provinces and the country's growing environmental and water supply challenges hit the ethnic minority provinces harder than the Persian center, adding an ominous ethnic character to what are often presented as purely environmental or economic challenges. The book further examines the potential impact of ethnic based unrest in Khuzestan on Iran's oil production, Iran's main oil producing region. Drawing on a rich assortment of primary data and interviews, this book offers unparalled insights into ethnic politics in Iran. It will be of interest to upper-level undergraduates and postgraduates, researchers and professionals interested in the Middle East, international relations, and ethnic studies.