What does modern warfare, as fought by liberal societies, have in common with our human evolution? This study posits an important relationship between the two we have evolved to fight, and traditional hunter-gatherer societies were often violent places. But we also evolved to cooperate, to feel empathy and to behave altruistically towards others.

Leadership accountability - for violence, corruption and environmental harm - is a new aspect of globalization and civil society. This innovative forward-looking analysis explains how 'cumulative lock-in' fuels leadership deceit, and then a reaction rooted in our evolutionary psyche. Moral authority may shift from West to East, and 'direct democratic accountability' may supersede voting systems. If legitimate accountability fails, global feuding and retributive accountability may continue. The lessons are for those learning to be, or learning to question, leaders.

The rise of China as a great power in East Asia, the return of the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) as the ruling political party in Taiwan, and new pressures on America's traditionally dominant position in the region create a crossroads in the relations between the United States, China and Taiwan. This timely book examines the background, current issues, and future possibilities for this triangular relationship, in which geostrategic interests grapple with the ideological battle between democracy and authoritarianism, the question of sovereignty over Taiwan, and Taiwan's own contested identity. At stake is not only Taiwan's destiny but also US-China relations.

Throughout history, states have tried to create the perfect combatant with superhuman physical and cognitive features that are akin to those of comic book superheroes. However, the current innovations have nothing to do with the ones from the past and their development goes beyond a simple technological perspective. On the contrary, they are raising the prospect of a human enhancement revolution that will change the ways with which future wars will be fought and may even profoundly alter the foundations upon which our modern societies are built on. This book, which discusses the full ethical implications of these new technologies, is a unique contribution for students and scholars who care about the morality of warfare. -- .

There is a growing dialogue between India and Southeast Asia. From a marginal relationship during the Cold War days to the participation of India at the East Asia summit in December 2005 has been a long journey. In the context of the geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific in the post-September 11 period, the security dimension between India and Southeast Asia cannot be overemphasized. With the continued U.S. preponderance in the region and China's phenomenal rise, the countries of Southeast Asia and India have an opportunity to evolve a co-operative relationship not only with one another, but also with the major powers of the region. This book examines the areas of comprehensive security and the growing understanding between India and Southeast Asia where there is less divergence and greater convergence. The author argues that India-Southeast Asia security convergence is not and should not be aimed at any particular country. On an optimistic note he concludes that such convergence will contribute to creating harmony among the major powers of Asia to make the twenty-first century the "Asian century."

In this concise introduction to the complexities of contemporary western intelligence and its dynamics during an era of globalization, Adam Svendsen discusses intelligence cooperation in the early 21st century, with a sharp focus on counter-terrorism and WMD counter-proliferation during the 'War on Terror.'

This volume provides a lucid, concise analysis of the development of British policy in Southeast Asia in the twenty years following the defeat of Japan. The principal themes concern nationalism and communism and how Britain worked to achieve accommodation with nationalism while containing communist challenges.

This comprehensive analysis of U.S. policy toward the Armenian Question and the Armenian Genocide focuses on the important role big business, played in keeping the United States from playing a more active role in opposing the genocide, not withstanding broad public opinion calling for greater action. Business interests feared antagonizing the Turkish leaders by too much of an intervention on behalf of the Armenians. It surveys the historical evolution of U.S. policy toward the Ottoman Empire, since the early nineteenth century and examines the extent to which the missionary community, commercial interests, and international economic and geopolitical competitions shaped U.S. policy during the administrations of William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson.

Russia's new 'pivot to Asia' increases the global significance of Russia's Siberia and Far East. The contributors - recognized experts from Russia, China, South Korea, Japan, Norway and Singapore - analyze political, economic, social and geostrategic roadblocks in the Russia/Asia Pacific relations, offering directions for further development.

This volume studies the relationship between globalization and inequalities in emerging societies by linking area and global studies, aiming at a new theory of inequality beyond the nation state and beyond Eurocentrism.

In the depths of the Cold War and in the wake of Britain's announcement of its intention to withdraw 'East of Suez' by the end of 1971, Britain was faced with the stark reality of a Marxist rebellion in the Dhofar province of Oman. This rebellion, whose explicit aim was to 'liberate' the oil-rich Gulf region, confronted the British with the challenge of securing a political order in Oman conducive to protecting Britain's remaining interests in the midst of its military withdrawal from the region. 'State Building and Counter Insurgency in Oman' offers a nuanced picture of Britain's response to the challenges posed by this withdrawal, through an examination the complex Anglo-Omani relationship at this vital juncture in Middle East and Imperial History. James Worrall offers an examination of how officials in London and the Gulf defined British interests in Oman, and the debates that raged throughout Whitehall, under the successive governments led by Wilson and Heath, about how to best tackle the growing insurgency in Oman.The means by which this challenge was to be met (including the extent of both overt and covert support for the Sultan) in the post-Suez era, posed a number of challenges for decision-makers in Whitehall. The military, economic and diplomatic assistance given to the Omani government to re-establish Sultanate control and crush the rebellion in Dhofar is thus analysed within the context of a complex balancing act, as British politicians and officials tried to reconcile their attempts to create effective and centralised Omani administration and security bodies whilst maintaining the image of strategic withdrawal and the sovereign independence of Oman. Drawing extensively from newly released archival records and interviews with former officials and high-ranking officers, this book provides a systematic re-examination of the Anglo-Omani relationship during the critical years of Oman's transformation into a modern state. It will therefore provide vital information and analysis for students and researchers of Middle East History and Politics, the decline and end of empire and the policymaking processes at the heart of an imperial and military withdrawal.

A provocative contribution to the international relations literature, "Captive Continent" argues that there has been a shift in Western European sympathies in recent years. According to Pilevsky, this shift has taken the form of either nationalistic neutralism or a pro-Soviet position on many significant issues. Further, Pilevsky contends, Western Europe's new distrust of its ally, the U.S., and its seeming trust of its enemy, the USSR, is analogous to hostage behavior as characterized by the Stockholm Syndrome--which posits that the effects of fear on an individual or group will often lead to an identification with that which is feared.

Pilevsky's discussion of the Stockholm Syndrome and its relevance to Europe proceeds along two parallel paths. First, he clearly delineates the syndrome and explores its bearing on the current situation in Europe--a situation in which nominal allies of the U.S. often seem more ready to side with the USSR in policy disputes. According to the author, Western Europe is, in a profoundly psychological way, a captive of the Soviet Union. In this relationship, based on fear and dependence, Western Europe comes increasingly to identify with its captor at the expense of the U.S. The second focus of the discussion is the identification of Russia's active participation in a strategy to make Europe hostage. As Pilevsky demonstrates, recent events support his contention that the Soviet Union not only benefits from the Stockholm Syndrome, but continues to take steps to foster the hostage-captor relationship. In his conclusion, Pilevsky suggests ways for the U.S. to more successfully deal with its allies and makes 10 recommendations for NATO.

AIDS, Ebola, SARS and Malaria - the list of deadly infectious diseases that provoke panic and cause devastating losses of life and economic welfare is virtually endless. In recent years the fight against infectious diseases has become a catalyst for cooperation in a world that is truly united by contagion. To an unprecedented degree, governments, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, philanthropic foundations, and private sector businesses are banding together to contain, control and, when possible, cure infectious diseases. This book examines the nature and politics of global cooperation to combat infectious diseases in a world more interconnected than at any point in history.

In this book, Tingsong Jiang extensively discusses the wider issues of economic instruments of pollution control as well as paying specific attention to the control of carbon dioxide emissions in China. The book begins with a general analysis of economic instruments of pollution control, and is followed by the application of these in CO2 emission control. The former presents the discussion of pollution control policies in general equilibrium settings, focusing on the comparison of pollution taxes and tradable permits in certain kinds of circumstances with imperfections such as uncertainty and pre-existing distortions. An empirical evaluation of China's environmental policies is also included. The latter brings the discussion into the area of global warming policies with the focus on the implications to China. A dynamic general equilibrium model, G-Cubed-T, is developed to produce CO2 emissions projections from China, the US and the rest of the world, and to simulate various policy targets and instruments China may adopt to control its CO2 emissions. With its systematic evaluation of China's environmental policy, this thorough and rigorous assessment will be invaluable reading for academics in environmental economics and environmental management, policy analysts in environmental protection and global warming fields, policymakers and government officials around the world, as well as China specialists.

Halim Rane's "Reconstructing Jihad "breaks new ground on some of the most crucial issues of the twenty-first century: the role of religion in international affairs, the use of armed force, and the achievability of a just peace. In the context of international norms and identity factors Rane presents a contemporary methodology for the reconstruction of jihad from a doctrine based on the use of armed force to one that gives 'Islamic' legitimacy to non-violent resistance. Using the Israel-Palestine conflict as a case study, this book explores the impact of competing international norms in the process of conflict resolution. Combining a constructivist perspective of international relations with contextualist and objective-oriented ("maqasid") approaches of Islamic Studies, the author examines the conditions under which a just resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict is possible. Based on extensive research and statistics, Rane demonstrates why Palestinian nonviolence would be more conducive to their liberation struggle than violent resistance and how this is a legitimate and authentic form of jihad consistent with the higher objectives of Islam - a necessary realization for Islamic militants if the conflict is to find a just resolution. With the continued failure of the conventional 'peace process' and the increasing intractability of the conflict, this book makes a timely contribution to resolving one of the world's most enduring dilemmas.

This work examines the labyrinth of complexities that confronts the Intelligence Community in its efforts to provide accurate and timely intelligence in support of American foreign policy and national security interests. Kennedy begins with an analysis of the collection processes and the obstacles that must be overcome if accurate and meaningful information is to be obtained. He addresses such issues as the need for strategic vision and clarity in setting priorities, as well as constraints imposed by the executive branch and the complexities associated with translating priorities into collection programs. The focus then shifts to the obstacles that confront those tasked to analyze collected information, examining such issues as the impact of people, technology, and budgets on the overall analytical effort. The third area of emphasis for Kennedy centers on the "quality control" of collection and analysis, addressing both Executive Branch and Congressional Oversight of the intelligence processes. Finally, he examines issues associated with the distribution and use of the intelligence products - the so-called "end game" obstacles. Issues addressed include the lack of presidential support for and confidence in the Intelligence Community, the impact of "worst-case planning," and the "coloring" of intelligence to suit policy preferences. Ultimately, the component parts provide the reader with a broad understanding of the Intelligence Community and the difficulties it faces as it strives to keep the United States safe and informed. In the wake of recent intelligence failures, the Intelligence Community has come under increasing attack. Yet few people outside of government, and all toofrequently many inside of government, do not understand just how difficult and complex are the processes of collecting, analyzing, disseminating, and effectively using gathered intelligence. The purpose of this undertaking is to illustrate the many road blocks the Intelligence Community confronts as it attempts to meet the needs of policymakers and to provide the average American, students of foreign and security policy, and many inside of government with a more comprehensive understanding of the overall intelligence effort. The complex processes for identifying, prioritizing, and communicating requirements to the intelligence community are further complicated by a lack of strategic vision on the part of American policy makers. Kennedy contends that those problems are compounded by Executive department oversight of the Intelligence Community, which has contributed significantly to past failures of intelligence. Moreover, the lack of effective oversight by Congress of the Intelligence Community in terms of the quality of its product upon which Congress has often been required to make life and death decisions too often has been either seriously deficient or non-existent. All too frequently, Kennedy notes, what could be called "political coloring" adversely affects the intelligence product. Intelligence findings are often "colored" to suit the preferred policies of decision-makers. As a result, actions are taken based on assumptions and opinions that are not supported by existing intelligence.

This edited book fills a gap in the literature on EU-Asia relations. The European Union and Asia are two regions undergoing significant changes internally while at the same time developing stronger relations with each other. In the context of an emerging multi-polar world, Europe and Asia are seen
as major actors, making their relations increasingly crucial for the understanding of global politics. The Handbook is distinctive because it constitute a thoroughly comprehensive collection of more than 40 contributions from a variety of disciplines and perspectives, bringing together leading authors in their respective fields. Contributors come from Europe, Asia, North America and Australia, thereby providing a genuinely global perspective on this important topic.
The Handbook is structured along several key dimensions in the relationship, ensuring that bilateral relations, multilateral contexts, institutional aspects, the comparative dimension and the global perspective, are all covered - a unique set of contributions. In addition, sections look specifically at political, economic and cultural relations between the two regions.

While the trend toward greater transparency will bring many benefits, Kristin M. Lord argues that predictions that it will lead inevitably to peace, understanding, and democracy are wrong. The conventional view is of authoritarian governments losing control over information thanks to technology, the media, and international organizations, but there is a darker side, one in which some of the same forces spread hatred, conflict, and lies. In this book, Lord discusses the complex implications of growing transparency, paying particular attention to the circumstances under which transparency's effects are negative. Case studies of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the government of Singapore's successful control of information are included.

Veteran journalist and communications scholar Philip Seib examines the future of Anglo-American relations in the context of post-Cold War developments such as the restructuring of NATO and the growing importance of the European Union. After establishing the historical context of ties between the United States and Great Britain, Seib analyzes current and prospective security and economic issues, cultural links between the two countries, and the dynamics of bilateral cooperation in matters such as building peace in Northern Ireland. Professor Seib also suggests an agenda for strengthening these ties as the new millennium begins. Relations between the United States and Great Britain remain good, but neglect-even during stable periods-could undermine this relationship. Seib makes the case that the United States and Great Britain still need each other and would benefit from constructive reappraisal and reaffirmation of their friendship. Although much has been written about the history of the special relationship, Seib provides uniquely comprehensive analysis of the issues that will determine the future of this alliance. The book will be of considerable use to scholars, students, policymakers, and all who believe that the future of US-British relations is too important to be taken for granted.

Using the case studies of Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Lebanon and Northern Ireland this book dissects internationally-supported peace interventions. Looking at issues of security, statebuilding, civil society and economic and constitutional reform, it proposes using the concept of hybridity to understand the dynamics of societies in transition.

This text provides insights into the field of international human rights politics - the protection of children and their rights - by looking at the negotiations leading to the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

This volume draws together leading experts from academia, think-tanks and donor agencies to examine the impact of transnational knowledge networks in the formulation of local, national and global policy in the field of international development and transition studies. These leading contributors pay particular attention to the global reach of research and the manner in which knowledge is incorporated into, and shapes, transnational policy domains. They show how the 'knowledge agenda' has become a central part of the discourse of both developing societies and advanced economies. Governments and international organizations devote considerable financial resources to both in-house and contracted research. Global Knowledge Networks and International Development will be of great interest to students, researchers and policy makers concerned with global policy, global governance and development.

Exploring themes critical to understanding the current world order, this book lays bare the reality of the new Russia that emerged under Vladimir Putin. Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second largest coal and uranium reserves, and the eighth largest oil reserves. Europe is dependent on Russia for 25 percent of its oil and gas. Russia is also positioning itself to play a similar role with respect to China. The key to this strategy is a network of new oil and natural gas pipelines that Russia is in the process of constructing, which will by-pass the problematic Ukraine, Georgia, Poland and the Baltic States in the West, and lock-in the enormous potential of China in the East. Further, as the Western economies including the USA begin themselves to recover, their growing energy dependence will come back into the forefront, and therefore the need to ensure that Russia does not fail in its opening up of new energy resources in the Arctic and Eastern Siberia. Russia is no longer a superpower, in the Cold War sense of the word, because its military is significantly weaker, and as such is incapable of conducting a regional let alone global war against either the United States or NATO. It is precisely because of its military weakness that Putin has been forced to adopt an asymmetric approach. Thus, the pipeline spigot and the proliferation of missiles and aircraft have become Russia's weapons of choice, along with an ever growing reliance on its strategic nuclear forces to provide it with the necessary deterrent to foreign aggression. In addition, Putin and Medvedev have no interest in an arms race with the United States, it is too costly and detracts from their priority, which is economic reform. From Putin's perspective, America is in the process of imposing "absolute security" or as Joint Vision 2020 put it: "full spectrum dominance" over the world. As the sole remaining superpower, the United States enjoys a massive strategic imbalance in its favor, which it has used first to contain, but now with the intent to control the world. How? NATO expansion lays the groundwork for a U.S. global missile defense system to contain perceived adversaries, such as Russia, which in turn secures the dominance of America through its Prompt Global Strike (PGS) capability - the ability to strike anywhere on the planet with impunity within 90 minutes of the order being given by The President. Thus, PGS will be to the 21st Century, what British Gun Boat Diplomacy was to the 19th Century. In such a context, Russia is forced to respond asymmetrically.

Explores Russia's re-emergence as a major actor in Central Asia and the Caucasus - a re-emergence which is limited by the involvement and influence of external state and non-state actors, including China, the USA and foreign energy companies.