This book highlights various challenges and opportunities for regional cooperation and development in South Asia. In light of the ongoing globalization process, the contributors investigate how socio-economic developments are changing the spatial organization of production as well as the profile of cities and landscapes, are stimulating the creation of maritime, terrestrial and aerial channels, and are putting increasing pressures on natural and environmental resources. The book is divided into four parts: The first part analyses the increasing intensity of regional trade, migration and investment flows; the second focuses on channels and adapted spaces. The third part addresses sustainability and natural resources, while the fourth highlights institutional issues.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on bloomsburycollections.com. The world is witnessing the paradox of simultaneous increase in income and insecurity. According to available data, global average per capita income has increased in recent decades, while at the same time actual and perceived insecurity has also increased. This paradox is true for both developed and developing countries. However, the concrete form and causes of insecurity differs across these two groups of countries. To the extent that income levels in many developing countries are very low, economic insecurity in these countries takes a starker and chronic form. In Financing for Overcoming Economic Insecurity, leading experts examine the causes and consequences of rising economic insecurity and policy measures that can be adopted to overcome insecurity. The volume contains papers addressing issues of economic insecurity pertaining to both developed and developing countries and caused by both economic factors and natural hazards. It also discusses the issues at both macro and micro levels. The volume's focus on policy measures, such as redistribution and reinvestment of profit income in developed countries and imposition of capital control and promotion of micro insurance in developing countries, should be of much help to policymakers as well as researchers.

This book argues that the welfare state system should be adopted globally, not only for the purpose of achieving equality and justice within nations, but also for security between states. Using Finland, Sweden and Canada as case studies, it theorises that the welfare state system and the common security system, which are mutually reinforcing peace structures, should be utilised worldwide as the best method of attaining peace and prosperity. It demonstrates the feasibility of the welfare state in the past, whilst also showing how these historical experiences can be translated into socio-political action to address contemporary global challenges. Operating in the fields of political theory, international relations, and social philosophy, it will appeal to scholars and students of public policy, the welfare state, and sociology, as well as state policymakers.

This edited collection examines the future of United States-Russian relations. Bringing together scholars from the U.S. and Russia, the volume explores the means for enhancing bilateral cooperation between the two countries, identifying potential opportunities and strategies for solving global problems and regional conflicts. A central premise of the work is that global security and economic prosperity can be enhanced by American and Russian cooperative engagement and that mutual collaboration is imperative in the post-Cold War era. The contributing experts assess prospects for improving diplomatic, military, economic, environmental, and technological cooperation between the U.S. and the post-Soviet state.

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a great deal of debate about what U.S. foreign policy should be and how priorities should be reordered. This comprehensive, well-written, provocative assessment has set out to provide answers to key questions. Written by leading experts on their respective regions, who also are professors of national security policy at the National War College in Washington, D.C., this book charts a path for post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy. Each chapter follows a common framework and research design and is informed by a team teaching method, as well as by long experience in policymaking and in academic institutions. The survey consists of chapters dealing with each of the major geopolitical regions of the world and asks a set of common questions: What are the dynamic changes that have occurred in the region? How have security and foreign policy issues changed since the Cold War? What is the history of U.S. policy in the region? How must U.S. policy change to adjust to new realities? An introduction and conclusion point to issues of comparison and sum up conclusions reached by the different contributors. This short overview is intended for courses in U.S. foreign policy and world affairs and for the use of upper-level undergraduate and graduate students, teachers, policymakers, and general readers in political science, world history, and military studies.

"This volume is one of the first books to consider the impact of tripartism across the developing world. It covers 8 case studies from Afrcia, Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America, focusing on developments since the 1990s. These studies show that tripartism has the effect of reducing the social impact of neo-liberal economics reforms"--Provided by publisher.

ASEAN's role as a security provider remains largely a matter of scholarly debate. Through the lens of the concept of regional security partnership, this book uncovers a more nuanced understanding of ASEAN capacity, highlighting both its merits and fragilities in coping with traditional and emerging security problems.

Looking back from the perspective of the mid-1990s, it is hard to believe that Soviet power for so long presented a threat and a challenge to the capitalist system. This book examines the assumptions of Soviet post-war economic theory and policy, traces the Soviets' analysis of Western economic development from the post-war period through to the easing of international relations, and explains why the Soviets themselves believed they were going to outperform the West.

The first of a three-volume series on the interaction of the US and China in different regions of the world, China, the United States, and the Future of Central Asia explores the delicate balance of competing foreign interests in this resource-rich and politically tumultuous region. Editor David Denoon and his internationally renowned set of contributors assess the different objectives and strategies the U.S. and China deploy in the region and examine how the two world powers are indirectly competitive with one another for influence in Central Asia. While the US is focused on maintaining and supporting its military forces in neighboring states, China has its sights on procuring natural resources for its fast-growing economy and preventing the expansion of fundamentalist Islam inside its borders. This book covers important issues such as the creation of international gas pipelines, the challenges of building crucial transcontinental roadways that must pass through countries facing insurgencies, the efforts of the US and China to encourage and provide better security in the region, and how the Central Asian countries themselves view their role in international politics and the global economy. The book also covers key outside powers with influence in the region; Russia, with its historical ties to the many Central Asian countries that used to belong to the USSR, is perhaps the biggest international presence in the area, and other countries on the region's periphery like Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, and India have a stake in the fortunes and future of Central Asia as well. A comprehensive, original, and up-to-date collection, this book is a wide-ranging look from noted scholars at a vital part of the world which is likely to receive more attention and face greater instability as NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan.

What can international relations scholarship tell us about the global political system? This innovative text examines the contribution made by the principal schools of international relations to our understanding of the global system and draws on them to analyze some crucial issues for 21st century politics. Elegantly synthesising history and theory, this text introduces the concepts that have been used to explain the politics and policies of the global system. It challenges the dominance of purely state-based approaches and shows how non-state-based approaches are essential for a full and integrated understanding of today's global politics. Using both approaches, the author examines key issues in contemporary world politics, from international security to economic stability and migration to human rights.

Poised between the end of the Cold War and the start of a new millennium, international relations theory finds itself at a major intellectual crossroads. Globalizing phenomena, emerging non-state actors, revolutionizing technologies, and a self-redefining fluidity in power relations are just a few of the challenges that international relations theorists must find ways to take into account. It is increasingly apparent that traditional paradigms alone are not up to the task. The time is right for a new set of explorations; based, ironically, on one of the field's greatest traditions--its willingness to apply an interdisciplinary approach to asking new questions and finding newer answers.

The outstanding contributors to this landmark volume offer a fundamental reexamination of the basic assumptions and theoretical tools of traditional international relations theory. Ciprut draws on a wide range of concepts, from the hidden dimensions of mindset and language to the societal implications of evolutionary ecology. Unabashedly creative and iconoclastic in its willingness to search for new insights, "The Art of the Feud" is a substantiated call to seek more inclusive, dynamic, and interactive forms of theory attuned to the new and evolving realities of the global scene.

Contemporary theory of international politics faces a twofold problem: the critical engagement with legacies of national power politics in connection to 20th Century International Relations and the regeneration of notions of humanity. This book contributes to this engagement by a genealogy of thoughts on war, peace, and ethics.

No country in the world has more political battles, military conflicts, and ethnic complexity per person and per square mile than does Lebanon. Continually for fifty years, it has seen crisis after crisis, often drawing in direct U.S. and international involvement. Most recently, Lebanon has been the scene of a civil war, wars with Israel, a popular mass movement that expelled Syrian occupation, terror, hostage-taking, assassination, and the struggle between allies of Iran and the West. This book explains the issues, events, and personalities involved in one of the globe's most dramatic and important stories.

Globalization and changes to statehood challenge our understanding of space and territory. This book argues that we must understand that both the modern state and globalisation are based on a cartographic reality of space. In consequence, claims that globalization represents a spatial challenge to state territory are deeply problematic.

Networks are thriving in global politics. Some bring policy-makers from different countries together to share problems and to forge possible solutions, free from rules of representation, decision-making, and transparency which constrain more formal international organizations. This book asks whether developing countries can benefit from such networks? Or are they safer to conduct their international relations in formal institutions? The answer varies. The key lies in how the network is structured and what it sets out to achieve. This book presents a fascinating account of how some networks have strengthened the position of developing country officials, both at home, and in their international negotiations. Equally, it points to conditions which make it perilous for developing countries to rely on networks.

This volume provides a concise introduction to the issues and debates regarding modern piracy, including naval operations, law, and diplomacy, and focuses on the recent surge of attacks off the coasts of Africa and Asia. In the past decade, the incidence of maritime piracy has exploded. The first three months of 2011 were the worst ever, with 18 ships hijacked, 344 crew taken hostage, and 7 crew members murdered. The four Americans on board the sailing vessel Quest were shot at point-blank range. The economic costs are also staggering, reaching $7 to $12 billion per year, as insurance costs skyrocket, ransoms double and then quadruple, and ships are forced to hire armed security for protection. Pirates operating off the Horn of Africa disrupt shipping traffic through the strategic Suez Canal, siphoning transit fees from an unstable Egypt, while the seizure of supertankers in the Indian Ocean underscores the vulnerability of the world's oil supply. Governments, private industry, and international organizations have mobilized to address the threat. This is the first volume to examine their work in developing naval strategy, international law and diplomacy, and industry guidelines to suppress contemporary maritime piracy. Contemporary Maritime Piracy: International Law, Strategy, and Diplomacy at Sea comprises three sections, the first of which contains chapters on historical and contemporary piracy, international law and diplomacy, and coalition strategies for combating future piracy. The second and third parts provide collections of historic profiles and relevant documents. Includes maps and relevant key documents Provides a bibliography of sources of additional information regarding international piracy

Drawing on the "balancing-bandwagoning" debate, the "socialization" literature and the "democratic peace" argument Panayotis Tsakonas explores how certain domestic, regional, and systemic reasons led Greece to a u-turn in its policy vis- -vis Turkey and to the adoption of a "strategy of socialization." The book also provides an assessment of Greece's new strategy in terms of successes and failures of its implementation and explores EU's ability to exert its normative effects on Turkey's foreign policy behaviour towards Greece as well as on the Cyprus issue.

The Oxford Handbook of National Security Intelligence is a state-of-the-art work on intelligence and national security. Edited by Loch Johnson, one of the world's leading authorities on the subject, the handbook examines the topic in full, beginning with an examination of the major theories of intelligence. It then shifts its focus to how intelligence agencies operate, how they collect information from around the world, the problems that come with transforming "raw" information into credible analysis, and the difficulties in disseminating intelligence to policymakers. It also considers the balance between secrecy and public accountability, and the ethical dilemmas that covert and counterintelligence operations routinely present to intelligence agencies. Throughout, contributors factor in broader historical and political contexts that are integral to understanding how intelligence agencies function in our information-dominated age.
The book is organized into the following sections: theories and methods of intelligence studies; historical background; the collection and processing of intelligence; the analysis and production of intelligence; the challenges of intelligence dissemination; counterintelligence and counterterrorism; covert action; intelligence and accountability; and strategic intelligence in other nations.

The so-called 'Cedar Revolution' in Lebanon, triggered by the assassination of the former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in February 2005, brought to an end three decades of Syrian military presence in the country. Here, Taku Osoegawa challenges the commonly-held claim that Lebanon and its leaders were simple puppets of the Syrian regime during the thirty years characterised as Lebanon under Syrian hegemony. Furthermore, by examining Lebanon's relations with Syria from the establishment of the Asad regime to the current violence in Syria, Osoegawa concludes that the Lebanese government has had its own reasons for aligning with Syria. As the Lebanese-Syrian relationship has had an enormous impact on the international relations of the Middle East, this book is essential reading for those interested in the contemporary regional dynamics.

In the late 19th century, the United States began a period of increased engagement in the Western Pacific--a situation that continues to this day. Nimmo provides a study of U.S. diplomatic, economic, and military relations with the nations of East Asia and the Pacific from the late 1800s to 1945. In addition to interaction with China, Korea, and Japan, the book includes U.S. involvement in Hawaii, American Samoa, Guam, and the Philippines. This one-volume treatment, ranging from the Spanish American War to the Second World War, examines the continuity in U.S. policy during this crucial period. Particular attention is devoted to the U.S. response to Japan's territorial aggression during this period, primarily its undeclared wars against China, in Manchuria in 1931, and in North and Central China from 1937 to 1945.

This examination counters revisionist claims that the United States led Japan into war in 1941 and that war could have been avoided by the pursuit of a more conciliatory policy on the part of the U.S. It explores why it was necessary for the U.S. to demand unconditional surrender and refutes claims that Japan was a victim of the war. The acquisition of U.S. territory in the Pacific initially began with the annexation of Hawaii and continued with the former possessions of Spain, ceded in the Spanish American War. Nimmo follows this story through the Philippine War, efforts to promote Philippine independence, the Commonwealth era, and finally independence in 1946.

This book examines U.S. foreign policy decision-making and conduct from a psychological perspective that focuses on the structures as well as the content of mental images held collectively and individually by the foreign policy elite. Two case studies, arms sales to Morocco in the context of the Western Sahara war and liquefied natural gas contracts with Algeria, are used to illustrate the usefulness of this perspective. The methodological tool used is of Cognitive Mapping, which consists of reconstructing mental images relevant to the issues examined by way of a sophisticated method that dissects policy statements, breaks them down into concepts with causal linkages, and then feeds them into a computer program that uncovers important characteristics for each image. The author then makes interesting inferences linking these technical characteristics of cognitive maps, or images, to policy orientations and action.

The case studies analyzed with this method relate to U.S. foreign policy with regard to North Africa. The author tries to find answers to a set of empirical questions that have not often been addressed: Why have U.S. foreign policy makers ignored North African countries for so long in spite of their strategic location and natural resources? Why do radical images persist when there have been opportunities to negotiate rationally with the countries of that region? And why did the U.S. government reverse itself in 1979 when it decided to sell offensive weapons to Morocco in spite of U.S. and international restrictions, and in spite of some obvious potential negative effects of these sales on regional conflicts and on U.S. standing in the area? Also, why did the biggest economic deal the U.S. has ever had with a Third World country (Algeria) fail as soon as President Reagan came into office? These empirical questions are tackled along with theoretical concerns dealing with the subjective domain of foreign policy making. The framework used for the analysis of the historical data and the interviews conducted yielded interesting conclusions as to how foreign policy makers viewed the North African region, its countries, and the issues at stake. The methodology used explains, through simple graphs and indices of complexity and simplicity of mental structures, how situations were defined and responded to by various U.S. administrations. The results show how unconscious thought processes and specific categories of cognitive structures may affect the choice of a policy alternative, and demonstrate the role of images as intervening variables between the international environment and state behavior. This book should appeal to students and scholars of foreign policy, international relations, negotiations, and North African politics. Political scientists interested in computer modeling will also find in it interesting propositions.

"Southeast Asian Affairs, first published in 1974, continues today to be required reading for not only scholars but the general public interested in in-depth analysis of critical cultural, economic and political issues in Southeast Asia. In this annual review of the region, renowned academics provide comprehensive and stimulating commentary that furthers understanding of not only the region's dynamism but also of its tensions and conflicts. It is a must read." - Suchit Bunbongkarn, Emeritus Professor, Chulalongkorn University "Now in its forty-eighth edition, Southeast Asian Affairs offers an indispensable guide to this fascinating region. Lively, analytical, authoritative, and accessible, there is nothing comparable in quality or range to this series. It is a must read for academics, government officials, the business community, the media, and anybody with an interest in contemporary Southeast Asia. Drawing on its unparalleled network of researchers and commentators, ISEAS is to be congratulated for producing this major contribution to our understanding of this diverse and fast-changing region, to a consistently high standard and in a timely manner." - Hal Hill, H.W. Arndt Professor of Southeast Asian Economies, Australian National University

The decisions to negotiate in the South African and Israeli/Palestinian conflicts can be understood in terms of changed perceptions of threat among political elites and their constituents. As perceptions of an imminent threat to national survival receded, debate over national security policy became a focus of internal politics on the government sides in each case and prompted changes of leadership. The new leaders, F.W. de Klerk and Yitzhak Rabin, faced emerging threats at the national and international levels that made negotiation seem advantageous. Lieberfeld analyzes the decisions of the opposition ANC and PLO in terms of changing threat perceptions and incentives for compromise.

Lieberfeld also evaluates developments since the breakthrough agreements. He concludes by identifying revised indicators of conflicts' ripeness for negotiated settlement and discussing their applicability to other cases of intense, protracted conflict.