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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > General
Lantis examines continuity and change in German foreign policy in the decade since unification. Between 1949 and 1990, the Federal Republic of Germany pursued one of the most consistent foreign policy patterns of any Western power. Restrictions on an assertive German military posture became deeply rooted in the public psyche, in foreign policy tradition, and in the Basic Law. However, the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the unification of Germany have fundamentally changed the international and domestic parameters of German foreign policy. A review of contemporary developments shows that a dramatic evolution of German foreign policy is currently underway--from checkbook diplomacy in the Gulf War to the humanitarian relief mission in the Horn of Africa, and from Contact Group diplomacy to airstrikes in Kosovo. To explore this evolution of German foreign policy since unification, Lantis presents an innovative model of external-internal linkages derived from two important areas of scholarship on the role of international crises as catalysts for foreign policy change and the importance of domestic political conditions that ultimately determine the scope and pace of such change. Five original case studies place German political debates about how best to respond to challenges of the post-Cold War era in social and historical context by drawing on discursive analyses of government documents, parliamentary debates, and elite interviews. These cases illustrate the rise of a new consensus on the political left for engagement in global affairs, reinterpretations of historical lessons for contemporary German policy, and the constitutional challenges of global activism since unification. Of particular interest to scholars, students, and researchers involved with German politics, international security policy, and comparative foreign policy.
This edited volume explores a range of approaches to nonviolent or popular resistance in the Second Intifada. Written by scholar-activists with diverse experiences in Israel-Palestine, the chapters in the volume provide the reader with an overview of how nonviolent resistance is conceived and practiced in a variety of settings within the occupied Palestinian territories, Israel, and internationally. The selections explore the themes of power, tactics, and the interactions between local and international activists.
International education in the United States is at a significant crossroads. The magnanimity of the 102nd Congress has raised the possibility of federal financial support of international studies to a new level. The newly established governing board of the National Security Education Act can provide unprecedented coordination of federally supported international education programs. If federal financial support can be maintained and coordination achieved, the objectives of the IEA of 1966 can be realized in the 1990s. The academic community and public policy makers need to be made aware of the opportunities at hand in order for this to be possible. U.S. education generally and higher education specifically have a responsibility to improve our international capabilities in order to meet the post-Cold War challenges of a complex world.
Explores Russia's re-emergence as a major actor in Central Asia and the Caucasus - a re-emergence which is limited by the involvement and influence of external state and non-state actors, including China, the USA and foreign energy companies.
AIDS, Ebola, SARS and Malaria - the list of deadly infectious diseases that provoke panic and cause devastating losses of life and economic welfare is virtually endless. In recent years the fight against infectious diseases has become a catalyst for cooperation in a world that is truly united by contagion. To an unprecedented degree, governments, international organizations, nongovernmental organizations, philanthropic foundations, and private sector businesses are banding together to contain, control and, when possible, cure infectious diseases. This book examines the nature and politics of global cooperation to combat infectious diseases in a world more interconnected than at any point in history.
A variety of political, economic, social, and security factors have created a situation conducive to the gradual formation of a regional grouping in West Asia. The countries of the Persian Gulf, Caucasus, and Central Asia are gradually gathering around Iran, a rising regional power. Regional and international isolation, sanctions, the Iran-Iraq War, and financial difficulties deprived Iran of its suppliers and forced it to develop itself to meet its needs. Iran has long-term interests in these three neighboring and energy-producing regions where the United States also has strategic interests. Peimani argues that the current unfriendly relations between the two countries are counterproductive for both and damage their interests. They can and must cooperate in these regions as their interests are not opposite and antagonistic, but different and compatible. Their interests require stability in these regions, for which the two should cooperate. As he points out, they must and can normalize their relations, among other factors, to preserve their long-term interests in these regions and elsewhere.
Veteran journalist and communications scholar Philip Seib examines the future of Anglo-American relations in the context of post-Cold War developments such as the restructuring of NATO and the growing importance of the European Union. After establishing the historical context of ties between the United States and Great Britain, Seib analyzes current and prospective security and economic issues, cultural links between the two countries, and the dynamics of bilateral cooperation in matters such as building peace in Northern Ireland. Professor Seib also suggests an agenda for strengthening these ties as the new millennium begins. Relations between the United States and Great Britain remain good, but neglect-even during stable periods-could undermine this relationship. Seib makes the case that the United States and Great Britain still need each other and would benefit from constructive reappraisal and reaffirmation of their friendship. Although much has been written about the history of the special relationship, Seib provides uniquely comprehensive analysis of the issues that will determine the future of this alliance. The book will be of considerable use to scholars, students, policymakers, and all who believe that the future of US-British relations is too important to be taken for granted.
This comprehensive account examines the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM)-the most significant Muslim militant group in China-including its origins, objectives, ideology, leadership, and tactics. To effectively engage China on counterterrorism issues, we must understand the capabilities and intentions of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), the most significant Muslim militant group in China. The ETIM: China's Islamic Militants and the Global Terrorist Threat is the first book to focus specifically on the ETIM, a terrorist group that demands an independent Muslim state for the Uyghur ethnic minority in northwest China. This fascinating study offers a comprehensive account of the group's origins, objectives, ideology, leadership, and tactics. It details the historical and contemporary contexts of the Uyghur separatist movement, the ETIM's alleged ties to international terrorist networks, and the Chinese government's interest in promoting the ETIM as a significant international problem. In addition, the book addresses conflicting claims about the membership and viability of the organization, noting where the Chinese government has apparently manipulated information about the ETIM to suit its own goals. A final chapter explores how various countries define ETIM activities and what that means for relations with China. Includes press releases issued by the Chinese government on violent Uyghur separatism and presents timelines of the ETIM's attacks and other activities and of major events in the history of Uyghur separatism Offers a bibliography that compiles scholarly and news sources pertaining to the ETIM and provides glossary of key terms derived from the Chinese, Uyghur, and English languages
As world attention focuses on poverty reduction and good governance, "Reclaiming Development Agendas" looks at why such changes in discourse and policy are taking place, what they mean for the challenge of forging development processes that are more socially inclusive and equitable, and what needs to be done to reclaim development agendas.
"This book argues that the new actors in global health constitute a 'private turn' in global health governance, and provides theoretical and practical grounds for viewing global health partnerships and philanthropic foundations as closely aligned in their ideational and material approaches to a range of important issues and crises"--Provided by publisher.
This is the first of four volumes to be published as part of this book series, on the life and work of Richard Ned Lebow. In a career spanning six decades, Richard Ned Lebow has made important contributions to the study of international relations, political and intellectual history, motivational and social psychology, philosophy of science, and classics. He has authored, coauthored or edited 30 books and almost 250 peer-reviewed articles. These four volumes are excerpts from this corpus. The first volume includes an intellectual autobiography, bibliography, and assessments of Lebow's contributions to diverse fields by respected authorities. It shows how a scholar's agenda evolves in response to world events and his efforts to grapple with them theoretically and substantively. It elaborates pathways for addressing these events and their consequences in an interdisciplinary manner, and offers new concepts and methods for doing so. Richard Lebow's research bridges international relations, psychology, history, classics, political theory and philosophy of science. He is author, coauthor, or editor of 34 books and almost 250 peer reviewed articles. Contributors to the book are: Simon Reich - Mervyn Frost - Janice Gross Stein - Stefano Guzzini - Markus Kornprobst - Harald Muller - Christian Wendt - Robert English.
A provocative contribution to the international relations literature, "Captive Continent" argues that there has been a shift in Western European sympathies in recent years. According to Pilevsky, this shift has taken the form of either nationalistic neutralism or a pro-Soviet position on many significant issues. Further, Pilevsky contends, Western Europe's new distrust of its ally, the U.S., and its seeming trust of its enemy, the USSR, is analogous to hostage behavior as characterized by the Stockholm Syndrome--which posits that the effects of fear on an individual or group will often lead to an identification with that which is feared. Pilevsky's discussion of the Stockholm Syndrome and its relevance to Europe proceeds along two parallel paths. First, he clearly delineates the syndrome and explores its bearing on the current situation in Europe--a situation in which nominal allies of the U.S. often seem more ready to side with the USSR in policy disputes. According to the author, Western Europe is, in a profoundly psychological way, a captive of the Soviet Union. In this relationship, based on fear and dependence, Western Europe comes increasingly to identify with its captor at the expense of the U.S. The second focus of the discussion is the identification of Russia's active participation in a strategy to make Europe hostage. As Pilevsky demonstrates, recent events support his contention that the Soviet Union not only benefits from the Stockholm Syndrome, but continues to take steps to foster the hostage-captor relationship. In his conclusion, Pilevsky suggests ways for the U.S. to more successfully deal with its allies and makes 10 recommendations for NATO.
While the trend toward greater transparency will bring many benefits, Kristin M. Lord argues that predictions that it will lead inevitably to peace, understanding, and democracy are wrong. The conventional view is of authoritarian governments losing control over information thanks to technology, the media, and international organizations, but there is a darker side, one in which some of the same forces spread hatred, conflict, and lies. In this book, Lord discusses the complex implications of growing transparency, paying particular attention to the circumstances under which transparency's effects are negative. Case studies of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the government of Singapore's successful control of information are included.
Following 9/11 the United States faced a situation of exceptional insecurity. In that period the Bush administration argued that certain international norms did not apply to US conduct. Its argument was underpinned by the claim that the United States was in a state of armed conflict or war with a new kind of enemy. The purpose of this book is to examine whether this approach outlasted the moment of insecurity that gave rise to it. More than a decade on from those attacks, and following a change of administration, what influence do these arguments have on American policy? To answer this question it focuses on four areas of policy: the use of force and the prosecution, detention and interrogation of suspected terrorists. It demonstrates how the Bush policy programme was contested by liberals and realists from the outset. Any expectation that the war on terror would end following the election of President Obama has, however, proven unfounded. Obama consolidated the liberal pushback against aspects of the Bush programme but the US has continued to argue a state of armed conflict exists. The scope of the battlefield and the definition of the enemy has been a source of intense debate but the fact that the Guantanamo Bay detention facility remained open long after the President promised to close it is indicative of the underlying continuity. It is argued that this is driven in part by domestic politics and in part by an understanding of how the terrorist threat is evolving.
The ruling communist parties of the postwar Soviet Bloc possessed nearly unprecedented power to shape every level of society; perhaps in part because of this, they have been routinely depicted as monolithic, austere, and even opaque institutions. Communist Parties Revisited takes a markedly different approach, investigating everyday life within basic organizations to illuminate the inner workings of Eastern Bloc parties. Ranging across national and transnational contexts, the contributions assembled here reconstruct the rituals of party meetings, functionaries' informal practices, intra-party power struggles, and the social production of ideology to give a detailed account of state socialist policymaking on a micro-historical scale.
This work examines the labyrinth of complexities that confronts the Intelligence Community in its efforts to provide accurate and timely intelligence in support of American foreign policy and national security interests. Kennedy begins with an analysis of the collection processes and the obstacles that must be overcome if accurate and meaningful information is to be obtained. He addresses such issues as the need for strategic vision and clarity in setting priorities, as well as constraints imposed by the executive branch and the complexities associated with translating priorities into collection programs. The focus then shifts to the obstacles that confront those tasked to analyze collected information, examining such issues as the impact of people, technology, and budgets on the overall analytical effort. The third area of emphasis for Kennedy centers on the "quality control" of collection and analysis, addressing both Executive Branch and Congressional Oversight of the intelligence processes. Finally, he examines issues associated with the distribution and use of the intelligence products - the so-called "end game" obstacles. Issues addressed include the lack of presidential support for and confidence in the Intelligence Community, the impact of "worst-case planning," and the "coloring" of intelligence to suit policy preferences. Ultimately, the component parts provide the reader with a broad understanding of the Intelligence Community and the difficulties it faces as it strives to keep the United States safe and informed. In the wake of recent intelligence failures, the Intelligence Community has come under increasing attack. Yet few people outside of government, and all toofrequently many inside of government, do not understand just how difficult and complex are the processes of collecting, analyzing, disseminating, and effectively using gathered intelligence. The purpose of this undertaking is to illustrate the many road blocks the Intelligence Community confronts as it attempts to meet the needs of policymakers and to provide the average American, students of foreign and security policy, and many inside of government with a more comprehensive understanding of the overall intelligence effort. The complex processes for identifying, prioritizing, and communicating requirements to the intelligence community are further complicated by a lack of strategic vision on the part of American policy makers. Kennedy contends that those problems are compounded by Executive department oversight of the Intelligence Community, which has contributed significantly to past failures of intelligence. Moreover, the lack of effective oversight by Congress of the Intelligence Community in terms of the quality of its product upon which Congress has often been required to make life and death decisions too often has been either seriously deficient or non-existent. All too frequently, Kennedy notes, what could be called "political coloring" adversely affects the intelligence product. Intelligence findings are often "colored" to suit the preferred policies of decision-makers. As a result, actions are taken based on assumptions and opinions that are not supported by existing intelligence.
The book explores the global jihad movement and its emergence in
the latter half of the twentieth century. The book investigates the
nature and extent of this threat; traces its religious and
ideological roots; relevant history; the goals of the movement; who
is fighting jihad; how they end up in the movement; how it is being
funded and sponsored; and what nations, particularly the United
States, one of the movement's primary targets, are doing to counter
the threat. The book, intended for the general public, assumes that
the reader has only a minimal background of this compelling
contemporary topic. While the authors tried to avoid using academic
jargon, they have tried to source the book so that it could be used
in political science, international relations, and defense and
security studies courses.
Rethinking familiar frameworks and exploring new perspectives, this book provides a much-needed analysis of European culture, society and politics in a global context. With contributors from across the social sciences and thehumanities, this book highlights key topics and assesses the open ended question of Europe's place in a global age.
This volume draws together leading experts from academia, think-tanks and donor agencies to examine the impact of transnational knowledge networks in the formulation of local, national and global policy in the field of international development and transition studies. These leading contributors pay particular attention to the global reach of research and the manner in which knowledge is incorporated into, and shapes, transnational policy domains. They show how the 'knowledge agenda' has become a central part of the discourse of both developing societies and advanced economies. Governments and international organizations devote considerable financial resources to both in-house and contracted research. Global Knowledge Networks and International Development will be of great interest to students, researchers and policy makers concerned with global policy, global governance and development.
What does modern warfare, as fought by liberal societies, have in common with our human evolution? This study posits an important relationship between the two we have evolved to fight, and traditional hunter-gatherer societies were often violent places. But we also evolved to cooperate, to feel empathy and to behave altruistically towards others.
This book highlights various challenges and opportunities for regional cooperation and development in South Asia. In light of the ongoing globalization process, the contributors investigate how socio-economic developments are changing the spatial organization of production as well as the profile of cities and landscapes, are stimulating the creation of maritime, terrestrial and aerial channels, and are putting increasing pressures on natural and environmental resources. The book is divided into four parts: The first part analyses the increasing intensity of regional trade, migration and investment flows; the second focuses on channels and adapted spaces. The third part addresses sustainability and natural resources, while the fourth highlights institutional issues. |
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