Bill McSweeney addresses the central problem of international relations - security - and constructs a novel framework for its analysis. He argues for the unity of the interpersonal, societal and international levels of human behaviour and outlines a concept of security which more adequately reflects the complexity and ambiguity of the topic. This book introduces an alternative way of theorizing the international order, within which the idea of security takes on a broader range of meaning, inviting a more critical and interpretative approach to understanding the concept and formulating security policy. The recent shift to sociology in international relations theory has not as yet realized its critical potential for the study of security. Drawing on contemporary trends in social theory, Dr McSweeney argues that human agency and moral choice are inherent features of the construction of the social and thus international order, and hence of our conception of security and security policy.

This book provides readers with the first comprehensive study of South Africa's foreign policy conducted in a multilateral setting, by placing on record over 1000 of South Africa's votes at the United Nations over a 20 year period. The study investigates consistency in terms of South Africa's declared foreign policy and its actual voting practices at the United Nations. Democratic South Africa's Foreign Policy: Voting Behaviour in the United Nations offers a compendium of South Africa's United Nations behaviour during a poignant transitional period in the country's recent history. In setting out a framework for analysing the conduct of other countries' voting behaviour in parallel with this study, it can be used to advance the field as a useful comparative tool. This book presents the material needed for International Relations scholars and practitioners in the field to make a reasoned and reflective assessment of this dimension of South Africa's foreign policy.

This book examines external perceptions of the Franco-German relationship, both from a historical perspective and as a driving force for regional integration. By providing various country and regional studies, it analyses the various types of perception and self-perception in several regions around the globe. Here, Franco-German cooperation serves as a mirror in which third-party countries view their own situation, today and in the future. The contributions address the questions of if and how the Franco-German reconciliation and cooperation is perceived as a role model for other regions, especially for the reconciliation of other inter-state and international conflicts. A concluding chapter highlights the divergences and convergences between the respective conflicts, and proposes recommendations for actors involved in diplomacy and international relations. The book is intended to provide scientific support for the implementation of the Franco-German Aachen Treaty of January 2019. It will appeal to scholars in political science and cultural studies, and to anyone interested in learning more about the Franco-German relationship and on external perspectives on it.

This book examines a stringent problem of current migration societies-whether or not to extend citizenship to resident migrants. Undocumented migration has been an active issue for many decades in the USA, and became a central concern in Europe following the Mediterranean migrant crisis. In this innovative study based on the basic principles of transnational citizenship law and the naturalization pattern around the world, Matias purports that it is possible to determine that no citizen in waiting should be permanently excluded from citizenship. Such a proposition not only imposes a positive duty overriding an important dimension of sovereignty but it also gives rise to a discussion about undocumented migration. With its transnational law focus, and cases from public international law courts, European courts and national courts, Citizenship as a Human Right: The Fundamental Right to a Specific Citizenship may be applied to virtually anywhere in the world.

The only apparent consensus about the Nixon Presidency is that his accomplishments in the foreign policy area far outshadowed those in the domestic arena. The advances for which he was responsible--in particular, the opening to China--brought the most significant improvement in foreign relations among the great powers in decades. The Nixon diplomacy worked, while many of his domestic programs failed. This was true, the editors of this Hofstra-sponsored volume maintain, because there was more of a sense of realism and caution in his dealings with foreign governments and a willingness to compromise and accommodate their interests--a tolerance he often lacked in the domestic area.

This volume outlines the main components of the Nixon foreign policy, beginning with the significant effort to bring China into the world community. The manner in which the Vietnam war was ended is examined, as are the evolution of American policy in the Middle East and the efforts at detente. With essays and observations from scholars and participants in the making of that policy, this volume is significant reading for all students of American foreign policy and the presidency.

This discerning book examines China's newly developed soft-intervention policy towards North Korea, Myanmar and the two Sudans by examining China's diplomatic statements and behaviours. It also highlights the Chinese soft-intervention policy in economic manipulation and diplomatic persuasion in the recent generations of Chinese leadership under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Providing a new perspective on the study of China through its discrepant foreign policies, Hak Yin Li delivers a comprehensive overview of the principles of Chinese foreign policy, critically examining the evolution of the Chinese non-intervention policy. Rich with empirical discussions on key cases, the book also includes interviews with Chinese scholars and provides a wide breadth of information from official sources such as China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This invigorating read will be an excellent resource for international relations scholars, policy analysts and researchers who are interested in the evolution of Chinese non-intervention policy, and China's emerging soft-interventions in North Korea, Myanmar and the two Sudans. Readers with an interest in Chinese foreign policy and China's normative role in shaping the world order will also find this an enlightening read.

The secret alliance between Israel, Britain, and France to destroy Nasser's rule in Egypt was a pivotal event in the history of the modern Middle East. The Suez crisis brought about both a humiliation for the old imperial powers and a remarkable victory for Israel. Mordechai Bar-On was General Moshe Dayan's personal assistant during the Suez Campaign and has drawn on both his own diary and many years of research to produce a gripping, definitive account of the Israeli side to the war. The Gates of Gaza describes the fears, suspicions, and agonizing debates that resulted in Ben-Gurion's decision to enter the clandestine pact, the overwhelming military victory in the Sinai, and subsequent withdrawal in the face of pressure from the United Nations. What was at the time a frustrating conflict for Israel should now be seen, in Dr. Bar-On's view, as a crucial event in securing the new nation's position in the Middle East and providing a breathing space before the great Arab challenge of 1967. The Gates of Gaza is an extremely important source for the history of Israel and for understanding one of the postwar world's most complex and fascinating crises.

The hero's journey is a process of (re)discovery of the principles that make up the national identity of a country. These principles must then be applied in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. For the seventh time in its history, America has discovered a grand synthesis of power and morality in projecting its resources and principles into the global arena. This makes possible a more assertive, moral foreign policy course in responding to a range of foreign policy challenges. Of these challenges, Salla asserts, the most profound in terms of the scale of human suffering around the planet is that concerning violations of the rights of ethnic minorities.

Ethnic conflicts and the humanitarian crises and massive human rights violations they generate form a foreign policy challenge that will preoccupy the minds of policy makers for much of the 21st century. NATO's intervention in the Kosovo crisis is the high water mark for America's seventh hero's journey. The intervention sends a decisive signal to all governments that the U.S. and its allies will no longer remain inactive in the face of states attempting to militarily repress the aspirations of their ethnic minorities. This moral interventionism can safely be extended well into the 21st century if policy makers wisely combine the moral principles and foreign policy challenges that make up both the Second American Century and America's (Seventh) Hero's journey. This provocative analysis will be of interest to all scholars, students, and researchers involved with the development of American foreign policy.

African Realism explains Africa's international conflicts of the post-colonial era through international relations theory. It looks at the relationship between Africa's domestic and international conflicts, as well as the impact of factors such as domestic legitimacy, trade, and regional economic institutions on African wars. Further, it examines the relevance of traditional realist assumptions (e.g. balance of power, the security dilemma) to African international wars and how these factors are modified by the exigencies of Africa's domestic institutions, such as neopatrimonialism and inverted legitimacy. This study also addresses the inconsistencies and inaccuracies of international relations theory as it engages African international relations, and especially, its military history

Has the existence of nuclear weapons transformed the traditional relationship between power and its use in international affairs? If it has, are we then in a period of transition to a new system based on entirely different principles? How would such a transition affect the lives of individuals? A number of writers address these questions in Power and Policy in Transition. The three basic themes of the book are the nature of power, its use in the pursuit of national interests, and the susceptibility to change of the relationship between power and policy. Essays by scholars, professionals, and laymen grapple therein with the uses and abuses of power. The first of three sections addresses the changing nature of power since World War II. The second concentrates on those who either question or disregard the precepts of realism in international politics. The third considers how the changing nature of power in the world challenges American foreign policy.

Don't Drink the Water is not a book trying to promote any existing religious, spiritual or national agenda. It does not attempt to blame anyone for the current state of human affairs. It is the story of how the author combined his personal experience with the thoughts of many of our more renown philosophers, states-men, scientists and long term thinkers from around the world to conclude that the goal of a secure and sustainable world for all humans is not an unattainable "Utopia." Don't Drink the Water makes a compelling case - Living in a time when we have secure and stable relations with each other and our environment is simply the logical outcome of the ongoing evolution of human intelligence.

Combining a study of American Think Tanks and a study of American diplomatic policy on China following the Cold War, this book explores in detail the policy-making process, procedures and mechanisms, as well as the roles of various interest groups in the policy-making process for China-related policies. Further, it dissects the policy-making process with regard to selected sensitive policies, such as the US diplomatic policy on Taiwan, China; US trade policy on China; US human rights policy on China; and US environmental and energy policy on China; and analyzes the function and influence of the American Think Tanks in the policy debates. Characterized by its high theoretical value, wealth of historical materials and painstaking analysis, the book is not only of important academic value but also offers a valuable reference guide to support the practical work of related departments in the Chinese government.

Despite the development of a consensus foreign policy during the early years of the Cold War that supported containment of the Soviet Union, there were both internationalists and pacifists who opposed the efforts of the Truman administration. These groups felt that American actions, including the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the North Atlantic Treaty, and even the Korean War weakened the UN, threatened the Soviet Union with war, hindered European economic recovery, and promoted colonialism. Often mislabeled as isolationists, both the pacifists, with their traditional opposition to war, and the liberal internationalists, who supported efforts to continue the wartime alliance with the Soviets through the development of a strong UN, felt that the United States should play an active role in world affairs. The "peace movement" forces have been marginalized or dismissed as insignificant by many historians, however, while their impact was minimal in the late 1940s and early 1950s, their ideas would later re-emerge to have a strong impact on American policy, particularly in the "ban the bomb" and the antiwar movements of the Vietnam era. They continued to support efforts to maintain the Soviet alliance through the UN, to assist in the reconstruction of the world economy, to promote disarmament, and to end colonialism. While a commitment to these ideas would probably not have prevented the Cold War, it might have lessened its severity or slowed the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union.

Martin Wight was perhaps the most profound thinker in international relations of his generation. In a discipline for too long mesmerized by the pseudo-science of the historically and philosophically illiterate, his work stands out like a beacon. Yet it is only in the decades since his death that his achievement has attained its true recognition.
Of the first volume of posthumously published lectures-- International Theory: The Three Traditions (1991)--one reviewer wrote: ' it] stands as a classic in the genre of printed lectures stretching from Aristotle to Ruskin... It is exhilarating... for there is nothing quite like it and-- which is a measure of Martin Wight's stature--there is not likely to be'.
That volume is here complemented and completed. In these four lectures Wight takes the archetypal thinkers of this three traditions--Machiavelli, Grotius, and Kant--to whom he adds Mazzini, the father of all revolutionary nationalism, and so the prototype of such as Nehru, Nasser, and Mandela, and subjects their writings and careers to a masterly analysis and commentary. The volume also contains an important new introduction to Wight's thought by Professor David S. Yost.

This book describes the potential and challenges of cosmopolitanism from a philosophical and historical point of view. Through the prism of cosmopolitanism, this book considers how the recent surge in migration is affecting our current reality, while also taking stock of the contemporary potential of cosmopolitan ideas. It considers and compares the significance of religion and culture for the wider societal acceptance or rejection of refugees. Moreover, the book examines the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence on immigration policies, non-refoulement, humanitarian law and gender. It presents empirically based research of a quantitative, qualitative and comparative nature regarding the determinants of attitudes towards cosmopolitanism and more generally concerning public opinion on migration issues, and reflects on conceptions of and attitudes towards citizenship, while also imagining new forms of citizenship. This book serves as a comprehensive overview and resource for migration scholars from the social sciences and the humanities, as well as students and other stakeholders in the fields of migration and human rights.

The harsh reality of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is that it has been traumatic for the Israelis as well. But before we can evaluate the possibility of peace in the Middle East, we must understand the facts. Author Alan B. Katz defends the Israeli cause by revealing its side of the story. Beyond the headlines and talking heads lies a complex reality that the media studiously avoid. The Israelis are not the monsters that journalists have made them out to be. Indeed, "more sinned against than sinning," they are a compassionate, fair, and law-abiding nation who have faced far more pain and desolation than the world has been led to believe. With no wish to seek a public relations victory, the Israelis let nature take its course. In Fighting Back: Letters from the Diaspora, Mr. Katz humanizes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to show the sacrifices, pain, and courage of the Israelis, and exposes the hypocrisy of the media and the true nature of the Palestinians. Through a series of letters to the editor and personal essays, Katz delves into the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and brings a deeply human element to the images the world views on television. Fighting Back: Letters from the Diaspora is a timely contribution to the events happening in the Middle East today and brings a perspective sorely lacking in the current debate.

Reconceptualizing Security in the Americas in the Twenty-First Century illustrates the various security concerns in the Americas in the twenty-first century. It presents the work of a number of prolific scholars and analysts in the region. The book offers new theoretical and analytical perspectives. Within the Americas, we find a number of important issues security issues. Most important are the threats that supersede borders: drug trafficking, migration, health, and environmental. These threats change our understanding of security and the state and regional process of neutralizing or correcting these threats. This volume evaluates these threats within contemporary security discourse.

This book examines Turkey's position in the world at the end of the Cold War. An account of Turkey's political history, society, and economy helps determine what degree of credence to attach to the claim that Turkey is an island of stability in a troubled area extending from the borders of the European Union to China. The author describes Turkey's foreign relations with the West, in general, and the European Union, in particular, and also with its Middle Eastern neighbors, Greece and the ex-communist countries, including the Turkic republics of the former Soviet Union. The emphasis is on Turkey's ability to support Western efforts to bring political stability to the region and to enter into partnership with Western economic enterprise.

Maintaining international security and pursuing American interests is more difficult now than perhaps at any time in history. The security environment that the United States faces is more complex, dynamic, and difficult to predict. At the same time, no domestic consensus exists on the purposes of American power and how best to pursue them. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) will look ahead in this annual volume at the "flashpoints" that will likely arise in 2015, how best to deal with them, and what lasting effects they might leave for the next American administration and its allies around the world. Contributions by: Jon B. Alterman, Samuel J. Brannen, Ernest Z. Bower, Heather A. Conley, Anthony H. Cordesman, Victor Cha, Edward C. Chow, Jennifer G. Cooke, Zack Cooper, Michael J. Green, Matthew P. Goodman, John J. Hamre, Kathleen H. Hicks, Christopher K. Johnson, Stephanie Sanok Kostro, Andrew C. Kuchins, Sarah Ladislaw, Maren Leed, James A. Lewis, Haim Malka, Jeffrey Mankoff, Carl Meacham, Sarah Mendelson, Andrew A. Michta, Scott Miller, J. Stephen Morrison, Clark A. Murdock, Richard M. Rossow, Daniel F. Runde, Thomas M. Sanderson, Conor M. Savoy, Sharon Squassoni, Amy Studdart, Nicholas Szechenyi, and Juan C. Zarate.

This book begins with the analysis of America's post-war intelligence operations, propaganda campaigns, and strategic psychological warfare in Japan. Banking on nuclear safety myths, Japan promoted an aggressive policy of locating and building nuclear power plants in depopulated areas suffering from a significant decline of local industries and economies. The Fukushima nuclear disaster substantiated that U.S. propaganda programs left a long lasting legacy in Japan and beyond and created the fertile ground for the future nuclear disaster. The book reveals Japan's tripartite organization of the dominating state, media-monopoly, and nuclear-plant oligarchy advancing nuclear proliferation. It details America's unprecedented pro-nuclear propaganda campaigns; Japan's secret ambitions to develop its own nuclear bombs; U.S. dumping of reprocessed plutonium on Japan; and the joint U.S.-Nippon propaganda campaigns for "safe" nuclear-power and the current "safe-nuclear particles" myths. The study shows how the bankruptcy of the central state has led to increased burdens on the population in post-nuclear tsunami era, and the ensuing dangerous ionization of the population now reaching into the future.

The effective and efficient management of water is a major problem, not just for economic growth and development in the Nile River basin, but also for the peaceful coexistence of the millions of people who live in the region. Of critical importance to the people of this part of Africa is the reasonable, equitable and sustainable management of the waters of the Nile River and its tributaries. Written by scholars trained in economics and law, and with significant experience in African political economy, this book explores new ways to deal with conflict over the allocation of the waters of the Nile River and its tributaries. The monograph provides policymakers in the Nile River riparian states and other stakeholders with practical and effective policy options for dealing with what has become a very contentious problem - the effective management of the waters of the Nile River. The analysis is quite rigorous but also extremely accessible.

Most violent conflicts since the turn of this century were in countries that had experienced an earlier violent conflict. How can we tell when a country is likely to remain stuck in a cycle of violence? What factors suggest it might be "ripe" for stabilizing and peace building? The authors studied four cases: Chad is stuck in a cycle of violence, while El Salvador, Laos, and Mozambique have had different results in their transitions from violence to stability to peace. Conflicts without internal cohesion of combatants or pressure from foreign patrons to stop fighting are probably not ripe for stabilizing. Where there are subnational or regional actors committed to violence, post-conflict peace building is not likely to succeed without enforcement capacity to contain violence or demonstrated commitments to increasing political inclusion and making material improvements in the lives of residents.

This book discusses the moral and legal issues relating to military drones, focusing on how these machines should be judged according to the principles of just war theory. The author analyses existing drones, like the Predator and Reaper, but also evaluates the many types of drones in development. The book presents drones as not only morally justifiable but having the potential to improve compliance with the principles of just war and international law. Realizing this potential would depend on developing a sound regulatory framework, which the book helps to develop by considering what steps governments and military forces should take to promote ethical drone use. It also critically evaluates the arguments against drones to show which should be abandoned and which raise valid concerns that can inform regulations.

Most historical writing on the relations between the United States and its European allies in the post-war period has concentrated on the development of the Cold War and the beginnings of European integration. An equally significant question is how relations between an increasingly self-confident Europe and a United States used to its leadership role developed after this period. This book investigates the successes and failures, as well as the diversity, that constituted both the strength and weakness of the transatlantic alliance. It looks at crucial areas of conflict, such as economics and trade, nuclear weapons, the language of power, and key personalities, as well as the very concept of a special relationship. How did Europe and the United States respond to economic emergencies such as the 1973-4 oil crisis and how were issues of power and control reflected in the language used by officials to describe foreign nations and statesmen? Who controlled the nuclear button and how did fears and feelings of inferiority influence European-American nuclear interdependence in NATO? How did American officials attempt to walk successfully in European corridors of power and how did Europeans network in Washington? What are the qualities that make relationships such as the Anglo-American or the German-American one special and what strains do they place on other members of the alliance?
Internationally renowned experts in their fields illuminate the most exciting and important research currently available on the European-American relationship and shed new light on the way the western alliance has functioned. This important book will have wide appeal for specialists in a number of fields: international relations, politics, economics, and history.