This book places Eurasia in its entirety within a single explanatory framework and examines, for the first time to that extent, Russia as a Eurasian energy power in its affairs with the two main geopolitical players of the region, the EU and China. Part of this geopolitical space is the Former Soviet Union (FSU) region which shares deep historical-political ties with Russia and constitutes the necessary crossing for the latter's natural gas supplies en route to the EU market. In this way, an energy triangle is established, with Russia at the top angle, the EU in the left angle, China in the right angle and the FSU region the median. Following the scheme, three bipolar relationships emerge, Russia-FSU region, Russia-EU and Russia-China, with each of them representing a different type of bilateral cooperation. In the first case there is an asymmetric relationship with one actor being overly powerful, in terms of energy, to impose its conditions, economic and political, on the other. In the second case there is a symmetric relationship with both actors having equal means of pressure at their disposal. Finally, in the third case there is balanced relationship with both actors trading on an equal basis. Within this framework, one of the dominant theoretical debates in the field of International Relations, that between Neorealism and Neoliberal Institutionalism (the so-called 'Neo-Neo' debate) seeks to shed light on the governing rationale beyond Putin's Russia foreign energy policy vis-a-vis the FSU region, the EU and China.

This manuscript examines Sino-North Africa relations on a bilateral level since World War II. It highlights the depth of China's involvement in the region with each country on a five dimensional approach: energy security, trade relations, political relations, arms sales/security cooperation, and cultural relations. Regarding each of these criteria, North Africa holds a strategic significance to China's national security, vital interests, territorial integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has been an integral part of the political developments on North Africa political scene since the early 1950s. It has supported the region's quest for independence and national liberation, exchanged diplomatic recognition, and established political partnerships. Apparently, the peoples of the North Africa and Africa at large are enthusiastic about China's increasingly involved role. However, China's heavy involvement in the continent's oil sector, minerals, fisheries, corporate-practices, and its unconditional support to autocracies is mobilizing some resentment over China's intentions in the region. Some intellectual trends are currently equating China with imperialism and neo-imperialism. Therefore, to ensure equitable relations with Africa, China and its corporations should refrain from colonial practices, exploitation, and environmental degradation. China also needs to contribute to the region's process of development, industrialization, development, and stability. Otherwise, its presence might not endure in comparison to British, French, Spanish, or Portuguese presence in the continent.

This volume summarizes, synthesizes, updates, and contextualizes Turkey's multiple roles in global governance. As a result of various political, economic, cultural and technological changes occurring in the international system, the need for an effective and appropriate global governance is unfolding. In such an environment, Turkey's and other rising/middle powers' initiatives appear to be indispensable for rendering the existing global governance mechanisms more functional and effective. The authors contribute to the assessment of changing global governance practices of secondary and/or middle power states with a special focus on Turkey's multiple roles and issue-based global governance policies.

Winner of the 2022 Shaughnessy Cohen Prize for Political Writing As the world's second-largest economy, China is extending its influence across the globe with the complicity of democratic nations. Joanna Chiu has spent a decade tracking China's propulsive rise, from the political aspects of the multi-billion-dollar "New Silk Road" global investment project to a growing sway on foreign countries and multilateral institutions through "United Front" efforts. For too long, Western societies have mishandled or simply ignored Beijing's actions out of narrow self-interest. Decades of willful misinterpretation have over time become complicity in the toxic diplomacy, human rights abuses and foreign interference seen from China today, Chiu argues. Engaging chapters transport readers to a frozen lake in Russia, protests in Hong Kong, underground churches in Beijing, and exile Uyghur communities in Turkey, exposing Beijing's high-tech surveillance and aggressive measures resulting in human rights violations against those who challenge its power. The new world disorder documented in China Unbound lays out the disturbing implications for global stability, prosperity, and civil rights everywhere.

This book explores Hobbes's ideas about the internal pacification of states, the prospect of a peaceful international order, and the connections between civil and international peace. It questions the notion of a negative Hobbesian peace, which is based on the mere suppression of violence, and emphasises his positive vision of everlasting peace in a well-governed commonwealth. The book also highlights Hobbes's ideas about international coexistence and cooperation, which he considers integral to good government. In examining Hobbes's conception of peace, it provides a fresh perspective on his international political thought. The findings also have wider implications for the ways in which we think about Hobbes's relationship to the realist and liberal traditions of international thought, and will appeal to students and scholars of political theory and international relations.

This book critically engages with a long tradition of scholarly work that conceives of the European Union as a peculiar international actor that pursues a value-based, normatively oriented and development-friendly agenda in its relations with international partners. The EU is a pivotal player in international trade relations, holding formidable power in trade but also exercising substantial power through trade. Trade policy therefore represents a strategic field for the EU to shape its image as a healthy economy and a global power. In this field, the EU has declared a twofold ambitious goal, namely that of fostering economic growth in Europe while, at the same time, promoting development and growth abroad, both in developed and developing countries. In other words, the EU aims to increase its competitiveness in world trade while acting as an ethical and normative power. Here, Poletti and Sicurelli explore the tension between these two roles.

In this collection of refreshing and provocative essays, the contributors to Theorizing Foreign Policy in a Globalized World reflect on the game-changing political impact of globalization, outlining the situation as it currently stands and suggesting strategies for analyzing foreign policy and global governance.

This book explores the contested notion of compassionate migration in its discourse and practice. In the context of today's migration patterns within the Americas, compassionate migration can play a fundamental role in responding to the hardships that many migrants suffer before, during, and after their journeys. This volume explores the boundaries of compassion from legal, political, philosophical, and interdisciplinary perspectives, and supplies examples where state and non-state actors engage in practices of compassion and humanity through formal and informal regimes. Despite the lack of a concise and precise definition of the concept and practice of compassionate migration, all authors in this volume agree on the pressing need for more humane and compassionate treatment for those leaving their home country behind in search of a better life.

A troubling look at why, for a variety of reasons, congressional power on issues of war and peace has diminished over time, resulting in an abdication of responsibility as the executive branch led the United States into a war with Iraq in 2003. The Road to War: Congress' Historic Abdication of Responsibility is a thought-provoking discussion of the ramifications of a shift in the balance of powers between Congress and the Executive Branch with regard to war and peace. To underscore his argument, author Robert Kennedy outlines the intellectual origins of the U.S. Constitution and examines the intent of the Framers on the relationship between Congress and the executive branch in the formulation of foreign and security policy and decisions of war and peace. Kennedy traces the erosion of congressional power from 1789 to the 21st century, concluding that Congress has often gifted away its war powers to the president, preferring to leave decisions on his shoulders, rather than accept the responsibility for a comprehensive examination of the issues and the tough decisions that such efforts might entail. This abdication by Congress of its constitutionally mandated responsibilities dangerously threatens the systems of checks and balances established under the Constitution. Power no longer checks power. Ambition is set free to take the Road to War.

Why do some civil wars last a long time, while others end relatively quickly? Trust and Fear in Civil Wars examines the conditions under which individuals are willing to lay down their weapons under a settlement agreement. The author argues that wars are easiest to resolve when combatants believe that their adversaries will uphold a deal or that the costs of renewed war will be low. Several key sources of information inform this calculation. Drawing on both cross-national and case study data, including detailed interviews, the book demonstrates that when information suggests either that a peace agreement is likely to break down or that the results of a broken deal will be especially deadly, a settlement leaves combatants too vulnerable to countenance, resulting in wars lasting longer.

This book analyses the trilemma between growth, energy security and climate change mitigation and, breaking from scholarly orthodoxy, challenges the imperative that growth must always come first. It sets forth the argument that a steady-state approach is a more appropriate conceptual mindset to enable energy transition, sets out a steady-state energy policy, and assesses the projected outcomes of its implementation in the realms of energy security, geopolitics and development. By exploring in depth the implications of such a shift, the book aims to demonstrate its positive effects on sustainability, supply security and affordability; to showcase the more favorable geopolitics of renewable energy; and to unpack new pathways towards development. By bringing together ecological economics and mainstream energy politics, fresh insight to energy and climate policy is provided, alongside their broader geopolitical and developmental ramifications.

Exploring the dynamics of law-making in a world where the pace of technological change is outstripping our capacity to capture new forms of transnational crime, this book uses the innovative concept of unlawfulness to examine the crimes of the global overworld, forming a unique analysis of global order in the twenty-first century.

This book provides authoritative and up-to-date research for anyone interested in the study of international environmental politics. It demonstrates how the field of international environmental politics has evolved and identifies key questions, topics and approaches to guide future research.

This book examines a new type of state formation evoked by the rise of transnational rule, what Schia calls franchised states. Drawing on anthropological studying-through fieldwork within the UN organization, he demonstrates how peacebuilding activities turned Liberia into an object of governing, whereby the UN, in seeking to build the state, also became the state. The sovereign state of Liberia here emerges as a franchise rather than a self-contained entity. Two implications follow: First, that international peacebuilding turns post-conflict countries into clients of the international community. Second, that "sovereignty" is no longer exclusively associated with the state: it is organized in and through specific practices of governing where a state actor is only one among a range of actors. With these findings, the book moves beyond previous work on peacebuilding by focusing on the unbundling of sovereignty. It contributes to the literature on the changing forms of sovereignty by showing the specific ways in which sovereignty is organized, packaged and enacted, often by actors working under international auspices. This book will be of interest to practitioners and students interested in international organizations, international relations, the study of international practices, UN, and peacebuilding.

A distinctive contribution to the politics of citizenship and immigration in an expanding European Union, this book explains how and why differences arise in responses to immigration by examining local, national and transnational dimensions of public debates on Romanian migrants and the Roma minority in Italy and Spain.

This book compares the cultural politics of the U.S. space and Antarctic programs during the Cold War. It analyzes how culturally salient terms, especially the nationalist motif of the frontier, were used to garner public support for these strategic initiatives and, more generally, United States internationalism during this period.

"Connecting" and "distancing" have been two prominent themes permeating the writings on the historical and contemporary developments of the relationship between Southeast Asia and China. As neighbours, the nation-states in Southeast Asia and the giant political entity in the north communicated with each other through a variety of diplomatic overtures, political agitations, and cultural nuances. In the last two decades with the rise of China as an economic powerhouse in the region, Southeast Asia's need to connect with China has become more urgent and necessary as it attempts to reap the benefit from the successful economic modernization in China. At the same time, however, there were feelings of ambivalence, hesitation and even suspicions on the part of the Southeast Asian states vis--vis the rise of a political power which is so less understood or misunderstood. The contributors of this volume are authors of various disciplinary backgrounds: history, political science, economics and sociology. They provide a spectrum of perspectives by which the readers can view Sino-Southeast Asia relations.

Prophecy may vary between being an intellectual amusement and a serious occupation; serious not only in its intentions, but in its consequences. For it is the lot of prophets who frighten or disappoint to be stoned. But for some of us moderns, who have be

One of the most prevalent and dangerous American misperceptions is the image of Japan as a faceless, impersonal, corporate entity. In "The Human Face of Japan's LeadershiP," Weinstein gives a human face to the leaders who will lead that nation into the next century. In doing so, he gives the reader a better idea of what makes these men tick, of the experiences which have shaped their values, and their views of Japan and the world.

Weinstein conducted approximately 100 hours of taped interviews with 12 internationalized Japanese leaders in their 40s and 50s, including four members of the Diet, four bureaucrats, and four businessmen. These interviews form the core of the book: 12 biographical portraits, presented as oral histories and largely in the participant's words. These are individual, personal accounts which begin with family and regional background and include childhood and youth in World War II and the Occupation: educational experiences and views of Japan's future. These accounts also shed light on how the system of educational meritocracy and family interact to produce Japanese leaders. Japan's leadership includes a relatively high proportion of people, who while insiders and members of their Establishment, are at the same time knowledgeable and at ease in foreign languages and cultures. These internationalized leaders are committed to successful interaction with the outside world. Weinstein's book will help Americans gain a more accurate, balanced view of their most important overseas trading partner and ally in the Pacific. It could easily serve as a supplementary text in many courses on Japan, ranging from history and politics to business and management.

This book examines the academic discussion on climate engineering as an instance of politicization - as a subject of deliberation and decision-making. It traces legitimizing and delegitimizing frames applied to discuss both Carbon Dioxide Removal and Solar Radiation Management approaches in academic publications, and their implications for political decision-making. Moreover, it offers insights into how academic discourse on climate technology can influence political decision-making - especially at a technological stage where a socio-technical system with a high degree of inertia does not (yet) exist. The high degree of diversity of frames in the academic discussion is understood as an opportunity for deliberate decision-making concerning the future roles of these approaches in global climate policy. This book demonstrates how insights from science and technology studies can be operationalized in empirical political analysis. It appeals to scholars in both political science and environmental science who are interested in climate change policy-making and the science-policy nexus.

By positioning the late Edward Said's political interventions as a public intellectual on behalf of Palestinian populations living under Israeli occupation as a form of intellectual resistance, Abraham moves to consider forms of physical resistance, seeking to better understand the motivations of those who choose to turn their bodies into weapons.

Civilizations and World Order: Geopolitics and Cultural Difference examines the role of civilizations in the context of the existing and possible world order(s) from a cross-cultural and inter-disciplinary perspective. Contributions seek to clarify the meaning of such complex and contested notions as "civilization," "order," and "world order"; they do so by taking into account political, economic, cultural, and philosophical dimensions of social life. The book deals with its main theme from three angles or vectors: first, the geopolitical or power-political context of civilizations; secondly, the different roles of civilizations or cultures against the backdrop of "post-coloniality" and "Orientalism"; and thirdly, the importance of ideological and regional differences as factors supporting or obstructing world order(s). All in all, the different contributions demonstrate the impact of competing civilizational trajectories on the functioning or malfunctioning of contemporary world order.

How do countries democratize? What route does the way out of totalitarianism take? Students of Russian politics have pursued answers to these questions by surveying Russians on a variety of attitudes, beliefs, norms, and practices. This book attends to political discourse to demonstrate how it creates and constraints political opportunities. It examines an important period of Russian political history: from Boris Yeltsin's second presidential election in 1996, when democracy was pronounced victorious, through its gradual slide toward authoritarian practices during Vladimir Putin's initial two terms in office, and to the election of his protege Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. This analysis challenges the assertions of Russian democracy as doomed by the governing rationalities of the elites. Likewise, it refutes the notion of Russians as an apathetic nation in chronic need of a "strong hand." It argues that if we are to understand how Russia lives, how it endures, and how it can change, we need to pay attention to the discourses that shape Russian political identities and the nation's political future.