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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > General
The authors uncover the roots of the eurozone crisis, focusing on how this can be solved against the backdrop of a very deep financial and economic crisis and its strong social impact. Looking at the impact of the financial crisis on the eurozone, they explore the European Union's recent and future developments.
Globalization is reshaping the lives of all the world's people. International Ethics features in depth coverage on topics such as disease and pollution, the authority of national governments, and international trade and global distributive justice. The work opens with a broad overview of the issues and is followed by a chronology of important events and ideas, detailed examinations of particular issues, brief biographies of significant figures, and annotated lists of print and nonprint resources and organizations active in the area. Includes a chronology of important events and ideas Provides biographies of significant figures
Introduction to International Studies provides students with scholarly essays and articles to familiarize them with the field of international studies and prepare them to conduct undergraduate research while abroad. Students learn how to successfully navigate another culture and how to conduct meaningful cross-cultural comparative research. Part I of the anthology introduces readers to the area of international studies, along with the concepts of a global society, culture, and intercultural communication. In Part II, students read about various social science research methods, including qualitative research, quantitative research, and the literature review process. Part III is focused on issues related to cross-cultural research practices. Students learn about ethical principles, cultural adaptation, and best practices to ensure a successful study abroad experience. Introduction to International Studies is designed to support students enrolled in courses that afford them the opportunity to conduct exploratory social science research in another country while studying abroad.
This book describes how the United States can integrate religious considerations into its foreign policy, moving towards a new leadership paradigm that effectively counters the challenge of Islamist extremism. How should the United States deal with the jihadist challenge and other religious imperatives that permeate today's geopolitical landscape? Religion, Terror, and Error: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Challenge of Spiritual Engagement argues that what is required is a longer-term strategy of cultural engagement, backed by a deeper understanding of how others view the world and what is important to them. The means by which that can be accomplished are the subject of this book. This work achieves three important goals. It shows how religious considerations can be incorporated into the practice of U.S. foreign policy; offers a successor to the rational-actor model of decision-making that has heretofore excluded "irrational" factors like religion; and suggests a new paradigm for U.S. leadership in anticipation of tomorrow's multipolar world. In describing how the United States should realign itself to deal more effectively with the causal factors that underlying religious extremism, this innovative treatise explains how existing capabilities can be redirected to respond to the challenge and identifies additional capabilities that will be needed to complete the task. A foreword by retired Marine Corps General Anthony Zinni, former Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Central Command, U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East, and member of the CSIS Smart Power Commission Maps that show areas of interest discussed in the text Epigraphs throughout the book to provide amplification of important insights
It is impossible to fully understand Cuba today without also understanding the economic sanctions levied against it by the United States. For over fifty years, these sanctions have been upheld by every presidential administration, and at times intensified by individual presidents and acts of Congress. They are a key part of the U.S. government's ongoing campaign to undermine the Cuban Revolution, and stand in egregious violation of international law. Most importantly, the sanctions are cruelly designed for their harmful impact on the Cuban people. In this concise and sober account, Salim Lamrani explains everything you need to know about U.S. economic sanctions against Cuba: their origins, their provisions, how they contravene international law, and how they affect the lives of Cubans. He examines the U.S. government's own official documents to expose what is hiding in plain sight: an indefensible, vicious, and wasteful blockade that has been roundly condemned by citizens around the world.
This book sheds fresh light on developments in British nuclear weapons policy between October 1964, when the Labour Party came back into power under Harold Wilson following a thirteen year absence, and June 1970 when the Conservative government of Edward Heath was elected.
During the past three decades, the international lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights movement has made significant advances in securing legal protections and rights. However, millions of LGBT people continue to live in fear in nations where homosexuality remains illegal In The International LGBT Rights Movement, Laura Belmonte offers a comprehensive account of this global force, from its origins in the early 1970s to its crucial place in world affairs today. Belmonte examines the movement's goals, the disputes about its mission, and its rise to international importance. The International LGBT Rights Movement provides a thorough introduction to the movement's history, highlighting the key figures, controversies, and organizations, including Amnesty International and the International Lesbian and Gay Human Rights Commission. The book is global in scope and integrates both state and non-state actors to explore transnational attempts to challenge homophobia and to assess both the successes and failures of such efforts.
After briefly dealing with arguments for and against NATO's enlargement as far as Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, the author shows why the enlargement process must be carried forward to include, in the near future, the three Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) and Ukraine. Inclusion of the Baltic States and of Ukraine in NATO would stabilize the region by helping the Russian democrats to concentrate on building a genuinely democratic, market-oriented Russian national state, instead of succumbing to the temptation to restore the Soviet Union. Ukraine could also contribute to NATO a sizable conventional military force and a prime strategic area; the Baltic States offer a prime location and an indomitable spirit. The Balts and Ukraine will help NATO when finally admitted as full members. Using polling data, printed material, and interviews with Lithuanian and Ukrainian diplomats, the book convincingly shows the soundness of the Baltic and Ukrainian security goals without glossing over some difficulties, both internal and external.
Christoph Laucht offers the first investigation into the roles played by two German-born emigre atomic scientists, Klaus Fuchs and Rudolf Peierls, in the development of British nuclear culture, especially the practice of nuclear science and the political implications of the atomic scientists' work, from the start of the Second World War until 1959.
The author offers a revisionist-style look at the French-American relationship as seen through a series of case studies dating from the great misunderstanding between the Roosevelt administration and the Free French movement in World War II to the formation of the Euro-Corps in the early 1990s. American power grew tremendously in the wake of World War II and the Cold War that followed, forming, around a strategic consensus based on the indivisibility of defense against the Soviet Union, an American imperium in Europe. The interests of this imperium differed significantly from those of France, the oldest and one of the most important nations in Europe. Great Britain, France's counterpart in these respects, benefitted from special treatment by, and a special relationship with, the United States. France's efforts to develop a national nuclear force as a demonstration of its strength and independence were continually hampered by the United States until the 1970s. Britain's efforts, on the other hand, were not hampered but aided. In struggling to regain France's leading position in Europe, the French leadership under Charles de Gaulle sought on the one hand an independent nuclear force, and, on the other, a strengthening of Europe with a Franco-German alliance at its core. Both of these policies provoked friction with the United States; both will now have to be revised, after the end of the Cold War and the emergence of a powerful, reunited Germany. The overall prospect, however, is that of continuing differences between France and the United States, as the antagonisms of the past, which date primarily from the World War II era, will not easily die out. Written by a former senior intelligence officer with a background of extensive French government and academic relationships, this book will be invaluable to all students of contemporary European history and U.S. foreign relations.
The ebbs and flows of Indian history can also be charted through the country's "maritime blindness" - its onset and the national endeavour to overcome it. The story of developing India's maritime capacity, since independence, is also about the kind of international and regional footprint it needs to have. In this book, the author discusses India's new and old maritime challenges and contextualises them in terms of its inherent institutional strengths to cope with their bewildering complexity. Their complexity is not just due to their sheer scale; the degrading institutional capacities, within countries and internationally, act as threat multipliers. The dynamics of global geopolitics, the seismic perturbations of global economy, and the dizzying pace of technology belie presuppositions for global future; all strategic analysts recognise our current, persisting conundrums. Taking into account the country's critical strategic weight in the maritime domain, the author suggests an approach - about the right 'mix' of the 'traditional' and the 'non-traditional' threats - in the institutional agendas of various governance mechanisms concerning different water bodies, especially the Indian Ocean Region, which also demands of India both hardware and software capacities, including diplomatic. He concludes that the effect of such an approach would be stabilising, consonant with the civilisational vision of the founders of the modern Indian nation.
This book examines the effects of Europeanization on two cross-border states, Italy and Slovenia, in the period between 1990 and 2012. It does so by means of an analysis of specific funding programmes such as Interreg and Phare. The book explores whether Europeanization, through cross-border cooperation, has promoted a post-national mode of governance and new relations between the national, the supra-national and the local-regional level. It discusses whether a link can be established between the activities of sub-national actors (municipalities, regions) and the recent development of legal instruments designed to enhance cross-border cooperation. Taking the perspective of citizenship and focusing on ethnic minority groups and cultural-social associations, the book addresses the question of whether a new notion of citizenship, multi-layered and multi-dimensional, has emerged in cross-border areas through cross-border cooperation.
This collection of twelve essays examines the use of mediation in intranational as well as international disputes so that parallels and similarities between various approaches could be emphasized and the whole approach viewed as a universal means of managing human conflict. Initial chapters treat mediation as a concept, beginning with an analysis by editors Mitchell and Webb entitled "Mediation in International Relations: An Evolving Tradition." Other contributors examine the Falklands/Malvinas conflict, outline lessons from the South Tyrol on third-party mediation in national minority disputes, and analyze mediation attempts by the World Council of Churches in the Sudan Civil War. South African initiatives and the use of hypergames as an aid to mediation are also discussed. A concluding essay on "Paradigms, Movements, and Shifts" as indicators of social invention concludes the volume. The editors' introduction attempts to link the various topics and to place each contribution within the overall approach and philosophy of the book. Innovations are characterized into three types: innovation in the applications of mediatory processes, innovation of technique with the development of new forms of mediation, and innovation of practitioner, with new organizations and individuals acting as intermediaries. The interdisciplinary approach of this work and the efforts of its editors to provide a broad analytical framework for the study of mediation will make this volume useful for political science and history courses. It will also serve as a useful guide to policymakers and diplomats.
This edited collection takes a primary focus on security issues in Oceania, but here the word security is expanded to include such topics as domestic Indonesian and Philippine instability, environmental degradation, the work of international crime syndicates, the generic problem of post-colonial state failure, and the always overhanging concern with China--in short all of the significant troubles roiling Island Asia today. Using this expanded notion of security and stability, the volume pulls in new anxieties about global warming, which may submerge half of the South Pacific microstates within the next 30 years, and pollution, which covers Indonesia nad Malaysia in thick smoke now visible from space, as well as traversing the more traditional security and economic issues. Vaughn and his contributors describe a 7,000-mile swath of wobbly island states ranging from the world's fourth most populous country to tiny bogus sovereignties in thrall to globalized criminals-through which more than $1 trillion worth of goods move each year. An important resource for scholars, students, researchers, and policy makers involved with Oceania and Asian studies as well as contemporary geo-political concerns.
This historical dictionary covers the period from the eighteenth century, when the United States began trading with Russia, to the present. It includes entries, arranged alphabetically, on events and policies, summit meetings and treaties, people, organizations and institutions, and businesses involved in the gamut of U.S. relations with Russia and the Soviet Union. Each entry includes references, and the book also includes a chronology, appendixes, and a bibliographical essay.
The book focuses on policy-making at the highest levels of the United States government. Chapter contributors examine political, military, and foreign policy processes from micro and macro perspectives in documenting how President Bush personally dominated U.S. national security policy and was the driving force behind the United Nations-backed coalition of nations against Saddam Hussein. The authors place the president's actions into political and historical perspective and examine the consequences of the Gulf War in both military and diplomatic terms. Among the subjects discussed by experts are the president's political and constitutional roles in war-making; the foreign policy implications and military issues in the war; the domestic implications; and the postwar environment and planning for peace.
Through an analysis of the general principles of Obama's foreign policy, LaIdi shows how Obama has charted a realist course in the Middle East, in Europe, in diplomacy, and in war.
Since the oil boom of the 1970s, the Gulf Cooperation Council States have attempted to achieve economic stability and realise their development goals. Such efforts have so far been in vain, however, as these states' autocratic governments have closed off their political systems with the support of international allies, especially the United States. In this timely and exhaustive analysis of the political economies of the GCC since the 1970s to the present, Yousef Khalifa Al-Yousef examines the factors responsible for the failure of the states to achieve lasting change in development and security. Focusing on institutional structures where oil wealth has been confined to the few, and the consequences of failed legitimacy at home that has led to dependence on foreign powers, Al-Yousef charts the consistent disparities between governance and the needs of the local population, to the detriment of genuine development.Al-Yousef concludes that the only way to ensure stability and growth in the region is to dismantle the alliance of autocracy, oil and foreign powers. Instead, democracy and reform are key to ensuring stability in the region.
After celebrating their country's three decades of fantastic
economic success, many Chinese are now asking, "What comes next?"
How can China convert its growing economic power into political and
cultural influence around the globe?
An analysis of Russia's response to globalization. This book explores how Russian domestic politics shape this international engagement. Thematically, the focus is on Russia's external engagement with areas of policy relating to globalization, namely energy, climate, health, direct foreign investment, finance, and international terrorism.
Among the intelligence failures that came to light after the attacks of September 11, there was one that did not result from the failures of spying, decoding secret messages, or interagency communication. Rather, it arose merely from not paying sufficient attention to circumstances that were relatively out in the open—the simmering anti-Western rage that had been swelling up in Saudi Arabia in the 1990s. Mark Caudill was there, in the ancient Hejazi port city of Jeddah, at a critical time. From September 1999 to July 2002 he served as an American diplomat at the U.S. Consulate General. Engaged in cultural research, he wrote dispatches to his superiors in the U.S. State Department about what he learned of the Saudis from participating in the most important rituals and activities of their lives. His unclassified essays served as the inspiration for this enlightening book. Now everyone can learn what the U.S. government knew about Saudi society, and when they knew it. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, many intelligence failures have come to light. The United States has become obsessed with who knew what when, and with why the various warnings weren't pieced together, why agencies failed to coordinate, and who is to blame. Asked less frequently, lost in a sea of details, is the question of how and why we failed to pay attention to the simmering anti-Western rage that had been swelling up in Saudi Arabia in the 1990s, as their economy sputtered, their youth sat idle, and their oil profits enriched the already wealthy and did nothing for the vast majority. As the United States government and the Saudi royal family cemented their ties and became closer than ever, young extremists who felt betrayed by the Saudi government concentrated their anger on the Americans, partly because it was safer than criticizing their own authoritarian government. Although many of the ranters engaged in anti-American trash talking for sport, some meant what they said, and some acted, with tragic consequences. Mark Caudill was there, in the ancient Hejazi port city of Jeddah, the Kingdom's commercial capital, at a critical time. From September 1999 to July 2002, he served as an American diplomat at the U.S. Consulate General. He was engaged in cultural research, one might say, writing dispatches to his superiors in the U.S. State Department about what he learned of the Saudis from participating in the most important rituals and activities of their lives. A converted Muslim who could pass for Syrian due to his appearance, he was often incognito, attending weddings, funerals, and the pilgrimage to Mecca; visiting markets, mosques, and holy cities; and learning all the while about this all-too-little understood ally of ours. His unclassified essays served as the inspiration for this enlightening book, and now we can all learn what the U.S. government knew about Saudi society, and when they knew it.
Why did the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) not follow the failure of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union? This book examines this question by studying two crucial strategies that the CCP feels it needs to implement in order to remain in power: ideological reform and the institutionalization of leadership succession. |
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