What does modern warfare, as fought by liberal societies, have in common with our human evolution? This study posits an important relationship between the two we have evolved to fight, and traditional hunter-gatherer societies were often violent places. But we also evolved to cooperate, to feel empathy and to behave altruistically towards others.

The rise of China as a great power in East Asia, the return of the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) as the ruling political party in Taiwan, and new pressures on America's traditionally dominant position in the region create a crossroads in the relations between the United States, China and Taiwan. This timely book examines the background, current issues, and future possibilities for this triangular relationship, in which geostrategic interests grapple with the ideological battle between democracy and authoritarianism, the question of sovereignty over Taiwan, and Taiwan's own contested identity. At stake is not only Taiwan's destiny but also US-China relations.

Throughout history, states have tried to create the perfect combatant with superhuman physical and cognitive features that are akin to those of comic book superheroes. However, the current innovations have nothing to do with the ones from the past and their development goes beyond a simple technological perspective. On the contrary, they are raising the prospect of a human enhancement revolution that will change the ways with which future wars will be fought and may even profoundly alter the foundations upon which our modern societies are built on. This book, which discusses the full ethical implications of these new technologies, is a unique contribution for students and scholars who care about the morality of warfare. -- .

There is a growing dialogue between India and Southeast Asia. From a marginal relationship during the Cold War days to the participation of India at the East Asia summit in December 2005 has been a long journey. In the context of the geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific in the post-September 11 period, the security dimension between India and Southeast Asia cannot be overemphasized. With the continued U.S. preponderance in the region and China's phenomenal rise, the countries of Southeast Asia and India have an opportunity to evolve a co-operative relationship not only with one another, but also with the major powers of the region. This book examines the areas of comprehensive security and the growing understanding between India and Southeast Asia where there is less divergence and greater convergence. The author argues that India-Southeast Asia security convergence is not and should not be aimed at any particular country. On an optimistic note he concludes that such convergence will contribute to creating harmony among the major powers of Asia to make the twenty-first century the "Asian century."

In this concise introduction to the complexities of contemporary western intelligence and its dynamics during an era of globalization, Adam Svendsen discusses intelligence cooperation in the early 21st century, with a sharp focus on counter-terrorism and WMD counter-proliferation during the 'War on Terror.'

This comprehensive analysis of U.S. policy toward the Armenian Question and the Armenian Genocide focuses on the important role big business, played in keeping the United States from playing a more active role in opposing the genocide, not withstanding broad public opinion calling for greater action. Business interests feared antagonizing the Turkish leaders by too much of an intervention on behalf of the Armenians. It surveys the historical evolution of U.S. policy toward the Ottoman Empire, since the early nineteenth century and examines the extent to which the missionary community, commercial interests, and international economic and geopolitical competitions shaped U.S. policy during the administrations of William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson.

What would the world look like if America were to reduce its role as a global leader in order to focus all its energies on solving its problems at home? And is America really in decline? Robert Kagan explores these questions and much more.

This illuminating book explains how and why Russia’s relations with the west have deteriorated to the point of initiating a new era of ‘great power competition’. An updated version of the bestselling 2016 edition, it explores the decline in relations since the early 2000s, taking in the war in Syria and the 2022 escalation in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Beyond geopolitical considerations, the book delves into the nature of power in Russia itself, providing an in-depth examination of the networks of influence that define the country's political landscape. In doing so it moves beyond the simplistic, Putin-centric narratives often found in western accounts, offering readers a fresh perspective on Russian politics. Understanding Russia is crucial for western leaders seeking to establish stable and constructive relations in the future. The new politics of Russia serves as a key resource, challenging conventional wisdom and unpicking the complex dynamics at play in the relationship between Russia and the west. -- .

This volume studies the relationship between globalization and inequalities in emerging societies by linking area and global studies, aiming at a new theory of inequality beyond the nation state and beyond Eurocentrism.

Lantis examines continuity and change in German foreign policy in the decade since unification. Between 1949 and 1990, the Federal Republic of Germany pursued one of the most consistent foreign policy patterns of any Western power. Restrictions on an assertive German military posture became deeply rooted in the public psyche, in foreign policy tradition, and in the Basic Law. However, the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the unification of Germany have fundamentally changed the international and domestic parameters of German foreign policy. A review of contemporary developments shows that a dramatic evolution of German foreign policy is currently underway--from checkbook diplomacy in the Gulf War to the humanitarian relief mission in the Horn of Africa, and from Contact Group diplomacy to airstrikes in Kosovo.

To explore this evolution of German foreign policy since unification, Lantis presents an innovative model of external-internal linkages derived from two important areas of scholarship on the role of international crises as catalysts for foreign policy change and the importance of domestic political conditions that ultimately determine the scope and pace of such change. Five original case studies place German political debates about how best to respond to challenges of the post-Cold War era in social and historical context by drawing on discursive analyses of government documents, parliamentary debates, and elite interviews. These cases illustrate the rise of a new consensus on the political left for engagement in global affairs, reinterpretations of historical lessons for contemporary German policy, and the constitutional challenges of global activism since unification. Of particular interest to scholars, students, and researchers involved with German politics, international security policy, and comparative foreign policy.

Although events in East Asia were a sideshow in the great drama of World War I, what happened there shattered the accord between Japan and the United States. This book pursues the two-fold question of how and why U.S.-Japanese tensions developed into antagonism during the war by inquiring into the historical sources of both sides. Kawamura explains this complex phenomenon by looking at various factors: conflicts of national interests--geopolitical and economic; perceptual problems such as miscommunication, miscalculation, and mistrust; and, most important of all, incompatible approaches to foreign policy. America's universalism and the unilateralism inherent in Wilsonian idealistic internationalism clashed with Japan's particularistic regionalism and the pluralism that derived from its strong sense of racial identity and anti-Western nationalistic sentiments.

By looking at the motives and circumstances behind Japan's expansionist policy in East Asia, Kawamura suggests some of the centrifugal forces that divided the nations and challenged the premise of Wilsonian internationalism. At the same time, through critical examination of the Wilson administration's universalist and unilateral response to Japan's actions, she raises serious questions about the effectiveness of American foreign policy. At the close of the 20th century, after 50 years of Cold War, those in search of a new world order tend to resort to Wilsonian rhetoric. This book suggests that it can be unwise to apply a universalistic and idealistic approach to international conflicts that often result from extreme nationalism, regionalism, and racial rivalry.

The book examines the Hezbollah movement from a multidisciplinary, comprehensive, historical, and systematic perspective to explain how it has evolved since its inception in the early 1980s to the present.

Using the case studies of Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Lebanon and Northern Ireland this book dissects internationally-supported peace interventions. Looking at issues of security, statebuilding, civil society and economic and constitutional reform, it proposes using the concept of hybridity to understand the dynamics of societies in transition.

In this book, Tingsong Jiang extensively discusses the wider issues of economic instruments of pollution control as well as paying specific attention to the control of carbon dioxide emissions in China. The book begins with a general analysis of economic instruments of pollution control, and is followed by the application of these in CO2 emission control. The former presents the discussion of pollution control policies in general equilibrium settings, focusing on the comparison of pollution taxes and tradable permits in certain kinds of circumstances with imperfections such as uncertainty and pre-existing distortions. An empirical evaluation of China's environmental policies is also included. The latter brings the discussion into the area of global warming policies with the focus on the implications to China. A dynamic general equilibrium model, G-Cubed-T, is developed to produce CO2 emissions projections from China, the US and the rest of the world, and to simulate various policy targets and instruments China may adopt to control its CO2 emissions. With its systematic evaluation of China's environmental policy, this thorough and rigorous assessment will be invaluable reading for academics in environmental economics and environmental management, policy analysts in environmental protection and global warming fields, policymakers and government officials around the world, as well as China specialists.

This comprehensive text examines Chinese foreign policy with a focus on the recent dramatic changes in China's place and role in the world. Covering both the economic and security dimensions of China's foreign policy-making as well as its key bilateral relationships, it offers students a clear and systematic introduction to the key challenges and prospects posed by China's rise. Using a wealth of sources, the book explores how the Chinese perceive their country's growing role and considers whether Chinese foreign policy is still conducted, as it has been traditionally, in line with what the Chinese regard as being core values and national interests, particularly a territorial and sovereign integrity, political independence and modernization, as well as a great power status. Written by an expert in Chinese politics and foreign policy, this accessible introduction offers a unique analysis of contemporary China and the economic and security aspects of foreign policy from the twentieth century onwards. It also includes the under-analysed relationships between China and other emerging powers. This text is an essential for those studying China within International Relations and Politics degrees, or who are interested in the development of China's foreign policy and its evolving place in the world order.

This volume provides a lucid, concise analysis of the development of British policy in Southeast Asia in the twenty years following the defeat of Japan. The principal themes concern nationalism and communism and how Britain worked to achieve accommodation with nationalism while containing communist challenges.

While the trend toward greater transparency will bring many benefits, Kristin M. Lord argues that predictions that it will lead inevitably to peace, understanding, and democracy are wrong. The conventional view is of authoritarian governments losing control over information thanks to technology, the media, and international organizations, but there is a darker side, one in which some of the same forces spread hatred, conflict, and lies. In this book, Lord discusses the complex implications of growing transparency, paying particular attention to the circumstances under which transparency's effects are negative. Case studies of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the government of Singapore's successful control of information are included.

Corporate Security Responsibility? focuses on the role of private business in zones of conflict. The book contributes to closing the gap between research on Global Governance and Peace and Conflict Studies. It applies a systematic research design to the study of corporate governance contributions to peace and security across a number of cases.

Cold War history has emphasized the division of Europe into two warring camps with separate ideologies and little in common. This volume presents an alternative perspective by suggesting that there were transnational networks bridging the gap and connecting like-minded people on both sides of the divide. Long before the fall of the Berlin Wall, there were institutions, organizations, and individuals who brought people from the East and the West together, joined by shared professions, ideas, and sometimes even through marriage. The volume aims at proving that the post-WWII histories of Western and Eastern Europe were entangled by looking at cases involving France, Denmark, Poland, Romania, Switzerland, and others.

International education in the United States is at a significant crossroads. The magnanimity of the 102nd Congress has raised the possibility of federal financial support of international studies to a new level. The newly established governing board of the National Security Education Act can provide unprecedented coordination of federally supported international education programs. If federal financial support can be maintained and coordination achieved, the objectives of the IEA of 1966 can be realized in the 1990s. The academic community and public policy makers need to be made aware of the opportunities at hand in order for this to be possible. U.S. education generally and higher education specifically have a responsibility to improve our international capabilities in order to meet the post-Cold War challenges of a complex world.

This text provides insights into the field of international human rights politics - the protection of children and their rights - by looking at the negotiations leading to the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

This edited volume explores a range of approaches to nonviolent or popular resistance in the Second Intifada. Written by scholar-activists with diverse experiences in Israel-Palestine, the chapters in the volume provide the reader with an overview of how nonviolent resistance is conceived and practiced in a variety of settings within the occupied Palestinian territories, Israel, and internationally. The selections explore the themes of power, tactics, and the interactions between local and international activists.

In analyzing the obstacles to democratization in post- independence Africa, Mahmood Mamdani offers a bold, insightful account of colonialism's legacy-a bifurcated power that mediated racial domination through tribally organized local authorities, reproducing racial identity in citizens and ethnic identity in subjects. Many writers have understood colonial rule as either "direct" (French) or "indirect" (British), with a third variant-apartheid-as exceptional. This benign terminology, Mamdani shows, masks the fact that these were actually variants of a despotism. While direct rule denied rights to subjects on racial grounds, indirect rule incorporated them into a "customary" mode of rule, with state-appointed Native Authorities defining custom. By tapping authoritarian possibilities in culture, and by giving culture an authoritarian bent, indirect rule (decentralized despotism) set the pace for Africa; the French followed suit by changing from direct to indirect administration, while apartheid emerged relatively later. Apartheid, Mamdani shows, was actually the generic form of the colonial state in Africa. Through case studies of rural (Uganda) and urban (South Africa) resistance movements, we learn how these institutional features fragment resistance and how states tend to play off reform in one sector against repression in the other. Reforming a power that institutionally enforces tension between town and country, and between ethnicities, is the key challenge for anyone interested in democratic reform in Africa.

A variety of political, economic, social, and security factors have created a situation conducive to the gradual formation of a regional grouping in West Asia. The countries of the Persian Gulf, Caucasus, and Central Asia are gradually gathering around Iran, a rising regional power. Regional and international isolation, sanctions, the Iran-Iraq War, and financial difficulties deprived Iran of its suppliers and forced it to develop itself to meet its needs.

Iran has long-term interests in these three neighboring and energy-producing regions where the United States also has strategic interests. Peimani argues that the current unfriendly relations between the two countries are counterproductive for both and damage their interests. They can and must cooperate in these regions as their interests are not opposite and antagonistic, but different and compatible. Their interests require stability in these regions, for which the two should cooperate. As he points out, they must and can normalize their relations, among other factors, to preserve their long-term interests in these regions and elsewhere.