In this all-embracing Christian church history, E. H. Broadbent details the growth, traditions and teachings of churches and denominations through the ages. Intended as an introduction to organized Christianity, the Pilgrim Church selects examples from the time of Christ onward of Christian denominations. From the beginning, Broadbent is keen to emphasize how gaps in history mean much of the church history is simply obscured. How exactly Christians almost two thousand years ago, or in the pre-Reformation Middle Ages, worshipped and practiced their faith is simply a mystery for theologians and historians. The central argument of Broadbent's book is that the Catholic church, in its effort to suppress divergence it deemed as heresy, destroyed much of the evidence of other churches. Much of the book is composed with this underpinning principle; a truth that resounds through the entire text, which is informed by the undoubted scholarship of the author.

We live in a world driven by fear. But should we allow fear to play such a large role in our lives? According to the religions of the world, the answer is no. In this helpful and illuminating book, Michael Kinnamon challenges readers to consider why we find ourselves in this age of fear and what we can do about it. Drawing on support from a diversity of religious traditions and teachers, Kinnamon argues that religious faith is the best way to combat a culture of fear. He explores fear in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the American political scene, and he shares courageous examples of individuals from different religions working for peace. Perfect for individuals or group study, this book helps readers understand the manipulative power of fear and how religious beliefs call us to reject fear at all costs. A study guide is included.

The five-year period following the proclamation of the Republic in April 1931 was marked by physical assaults upon the property and public ritual of the Spanish Catholic Church. These attacks were generally carried out by rural and urban anticlerical workers who were frustrated by the Republics practical inability to tackle the Churchs vast power. On 17-18 July 1936, a right-wing military rebellion divided Spain geographically, provoking the radical fragmentation of power in territory which remained under Republican authority. The coup marked the beginning of a conflict which developed into a full-scale civil war. Anticlerical protagonists, with the reconfigured structure of political opportunities working in their favour, participated in an unprecedented wave of iconoclasm and violence against the clergy. During the first six months of the conflict, innumerable religious buildings were destroyed and almost 7,000 religious personnel were killed. To date, scholarly interpretations of these violent acts were linked to irrationality, criminality and primitiveness. However, the reasons for these outbursts are more complex and deep-rooted: Spanish popular anticlericalism was undergoing a radical process of reconfiguration during the first three decades of the twentieth century. During a period of rapid social, cultural and political change, anticlerical acts took on new -- explicitly political -- meanings, becoming both a catalyst and a symptom of social change. After 17-18 July 1936, anticlerical violence became a constructive force for many of its protagonists: an instrument with which to build a new society. This book explores the motives, mentalities and collective identities of the groups involved in anticlericalism during the pre-war Spanish Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War, and is essential reading for all those interested in twentieth-century Spanish history. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.

Over the last fifteen years, Pakistan has come to be defined exclusively in terms of its struggle with terror. But are ordinary Pakistanis extremists? And what explains how Pakistanis think? Much of the current work on extremism in Pakistan tends to study extremist trends in the country from a detached position-a top-down security perspective, that renders a one-dimensional picture of what is at its heart a complex, richly textured country of 200 million people. In this book, using rigorous analysis of survey data, in-depth interviews in schools and universities in Pakistan, historical narrative reporting, and her own intuitive understanding of the country, Madiha Afzal gives the full picture of Pakistan's relationship with extremism. The author lays out Pakistanis' own views on terrorist groups, on jihad, on religious minorities and non-Muslims, on America, and on their place in the world. The views are not radical at first glance, but are riddled with conspiracy theories. Afzal explains how the two pillars that define the Pakistani state-Islam and a paranoia about India-have led to a regressive form of Islamization in Pakistan's narratives, laws, and curricula. These, in turn, have shaped its citizens' attitudes. Afzal traces this outlook to Pakistan's unique and tortured birth. She examines the rhetoric and the strategic actions of three actors in Pakistani politics-the military, the civilian governments, and the Islamist parties-and their relationships with militant groups. She shows how regressive Pakistani laws instituted in the 1980s worsened citizen attitudes and led to vigilante and mob violence. The author also explains that the educational regime has become a vital element in shaping citizens' thinking. How many years one attends school, whether the school is public, private, or a madrassa, and what curricula is followed all affect Pakistanis' attitudes about terrorism and the rest of the world. In the end, Afzal suggests how this beleaguered nation-one with seemingly insurmountable problems in governance and education-can change course.

The report states that Government rhetoric and actions created a threatening atmosphere for nearly all non-Shia religious groups, most notably for Bahais, as well as for Sufi Muslims, evangelical Christians, Jews, and Shia groups not sharing the government's official religious views. Bahai and Christian groups reported arbitrary arrests, prolonged detentions, and confiscation of property. Government-controlled broadcast and print media continued negative campaigns against religious minorities, particularly Bahais. All religious minorities suffered varying degrees of officially sanctioned discrimination, particularly in the areas of employment, education, and housing. Bahais continued to experience expulsions from, or denial of admission to, universities. Large Print Edition 18pt]