Global jihadism has been on policy agendas for more than two decades. Since the 9/11 attacks, both transnational jihadi entities such as Al-Qaeda and national or regional militant groups have attracted a great deal of media and scholarly attention. In recent years, policy agendas have increasingly come to include a focus on countering militant jihadi ideologies. Despite this, studies of global jihadism that take the impact of ideas seriously are at a relatively early stage and have yet to fully capture the richness of their social contexts and intellectual universes. Departing from the security studies approaches that have characterised much writing about jihadi groups, this volume aims to engage policy-makers and specialists alike by bridging existing disciplines and areas of study to create a framework for beginning to understand jihadi movements through the study of their ideologies, intellectual histories, political engagements and geographies. The contributors to the volume come from a range of academic disciplines (including history, anthropology, political science, religious studies and area studies), as well as from the worlds of diplomacy and policy research. In addition to studies of globalised contexts and ideologies, the volume also includes detailed studies of jihadi currents of thought and responses to them in Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, India, Pakistan, Egypt, South-East Asia and Europe.

This polemic against Islamic extremism highlights the striking parallels between contemporary Islamism and the 20th-century fascism embodied by Hitler and Mussolini. Like those infamous ideologies, Islamism today touts imperialist dreams of world domination, belief in its inherent superiority, contempt for the rest of humanity, and often a murderous agenda. The author, born and raised in Egypt and now living in Germany, not only explains the historical connections between early 20th-century fascist movements in Europe and extremist factions in Islam, but he also traces the fascist tendencies in mainstream Islam that have existed throughout its history. Examining key individuals and episodes from centuries past, the book shows the influence of Islam's earliest exploits on current politics in the Islamic world. The author's incisive analysis exposes the fascist underpinnings of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Shia regime in Iran, ISIS, Salafi and Jihadist ideologies, and more. Forcefully argued and well-researched, this book grew out of a lecture on Islamic fascism that the author gave in Cairo, resulting in a call for his death by three prominent Egyptian clerics.

This book describes Rondine Cittadella della Pace and its unique residential peacebuilding program that works with young activists from some of the world's most dangerous conflict zones. Set in its own Tuscan village, Rondine invites students to its two-year long residential program that provides them with a master's degree, trauma healing, and training in peacebuilding. While at Rondine, students work in pairs representing "both sides" of a conflict and prepare projects that they will put into place when they return home. Half of the book is devoted to an in-depth description of the Rondine method by its founder, Franco Vaccari, while the remainder consists of essays by Italian and American experts, including the two editors, providing the religious, psychological, and political context for this innovative psycho-social method of conflict resolution.

In order to better understand the political conditions of the Arabic language in Israel, a comparison with the political conditions of Arabic in the Levant as well as the Diaspora is necessary. Comparison consists of macro factors, such as nation-state building, and at the micro level, the daily public usage of Arabic. While the relationship between language and nationhood is well documented, study of the unique socio-political situation of the use of Arabic in the Jewish state, and in particular language usage in East Jerusalem, has hitherto not been addressed. The removal of Arabic as an official language in Israel in 2018 has major implications for IsraeliPalestinian accommodation. Research for the book relied on ethnographic fieldwork as well as sociolinguistic literature. Investigation is wide-ranging: distinguishing the different public presences of language; the state of literacy (publishing, education); and (formal and informal) interviews with students, teachers and journalists. Linguists often consider the Levant to belong to one dialect group but post-1918 people in the Levant have had to deal with separate political realities, and language differences reflect their unique political and social circumstances. The history of European colonialism is but one influencing factor. Diaspora comparison engages with the US city of Dearborn, Michigan, home to the largest Arab American community in one locality. How does this community find meaning in both being American and a threat to national security? This dilemma is mirrored in the life of Palestinians in Israel. Security and securitisation are relational concepts (Rampton and Charalambous 2019), and language plays a large part in personal sense of belonging. Analytical tools such as the concept of seamline (Eyal 2006), and indexicality (Silverstein 1979), assist in coming to terms with the metapragmatic meanings of language. This important book reaches far beyond linguistic difference; it goes to the heart of political, social and economic despair faced by multiple communities.

The recent rise of antisemitism in the United States has been well documented and linked to groups and ideologies associated with the far right. In From Occupation to Occupy, Sina Arnold argues that antisemitism can also be found as an "invisible prejudice" on the left. Based on participation in left-wing events and demonstrations, interviews with activists, and analysis of left-wing social movement literature, Arnold argues that a pattern for enabling antisemitism exists. Although open antisemitism on the left is very rare, there are recurring instances of "antisemitic trivialization," in which antisemitism is not perceived as a relevant issue in its own right, leading to a lack of empathy for Jewish concerns and grievances. Arnold's research also reveals a pervasive defensiveness against accusations of antisemitism in left-wing politics, with activists fiercely dismissing the possibility of prejudice against Jews within their movements and invariably shifting discussions to critiques of Israel or other forms of racism. From Occupation to Occupy offers potential remedies for this situation and suggests that a progressive political movement that takes antisemitism seriously can be a powerful force for change in the United States.

Mass Insanity explores the subjects of insane communities, the clash of identities, and how societies indoctrinate their members and shape their way of thinking. It uses theories of social, clinical and forensic psychology to analyse Islam. It explores Islamic invasions, piracy, slavery, terrorism, female genital mutilation, rape, suppression of human rights and critical thinking. It also discusses the decay of Western civilisation and the arising psychological difficulties. Why do millions of supposedly sane people endorse the assassination of writers, cartoonist, and journalists, the suppression of women, the killing of children, the destruction of art, culture and heritage? Can a society that includes millions of people lose its mind and how? In contrast, why would any country allow a group of people to immigrate, legally and illegally, to its territories to kill its children, rape its daughters, take its wealth, and destroy its identity? Why would a community lose the will to defend itself against an enemy seeking its demise? How could a society stand idly by and watch its own offspring being slain and raped? Again, are these healthy societies?