|
Books > Religion & Spirituality > General > Religious intolerance, persecution & conflict > General
 |
Concealed
(Paperback)
Esther Amini
|
R524
R495
Discovery Miles 4 950
Save R29 (6%)
|
Ships in 10 - 15 working days
|
|
On February 17, 2008, Kosovo declared its independence, becoming
the seventh state to emerge from the break-up of the former
Yugoslavia. A tiny country of just two million people, 90% of whom
are ethnic Albanians, Kosovo is central-geographically,
historically, and politically-to the future of the Western Balkans
and, in turn, its potential future within the European Union. But
the fate of both Kosovo, condemned by Serbian leaders as a "fake
state" and the region as a whole, remains uncertain.
In Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know(r), Tim Judah provides a
straight-forward guide to the complicated place that is Kosovo.
Judah, who has spent years covering the region, offers succinct,
penetrating answers to a wide range of questions: Why is Kosovo
important? Who are the Albanians? Who are the Serbs? Why is Kosovo
so important to Serbs? What role does Kosovo play in the region and
in the world? Judah reveals how things stand now and presents the
history and geopolitical dynamics that have led to it. The most
important of these is the question of the right to
self-determination, invoked by the Kosovo Albanians, as opposed to
right of territorial integrity invoked by the Serbs. For many
Serbs, Kosovo's declaration of independence and subsequent
recognition has been traumatic, a savage blow to national pride.
Albanians, on the other hand, believe their independence rights an
historical wrong: the Serbian conquest (Serbs say "liberation") of
Kosovo in 1912.
For anyone wishing to understand both the history and possible
future of Kosovo at this pivotal moment in its history, this book
offers a wealth of insight and information in a uniquely accessible
format.
What Everyone Needs to Know(r) is a registered trademark of Oxford
University Press
Borders - whether settled or contested, violent or calm, closed or
open - may have a direct, and often acute, human impact. Those
affected may be people living nearby, those attempting to cross
them and even those who succeed in doing so. At the border,
vulnerable refugee and migrant communities, especially women, are
exposed to state-centred boundary practices, paving the way for
both their alienation and exploitation. The militarization of
borders subjugates the very position of women in these marginalized
areas and often subjects them to further victimization, which is
facilitated by patriarchal socio-cultural practice. Structural
violence is endemic to these regions and gender interlocks with
their perimeters to reinforce and shape violence. This book locates
gender and violence along geographical edges and critically
examines the gendered experiences of women as global border
residents and border crossers. Broadly, it explores two questions.
First, what are women's experiences of engaging with borders?
Second, where are women positioned in the theory and practice of
marking, remarking and demarking these margins? Offering a nuanced
and thorough approach, this book suggests that research on borders
and violence needs to focus on how bordered violence shapes the
embodiment of gender identity and norms and how they are
challenged. It examines an array of issues including forced
migration, trafficking and cross-border ties to explore how gender
and borders intersect.
Gods at War examines the role played by religions in starting or
supporting wars from ancient Egypt and Israel to the current
conflicts in Yemen and the Ukraine. It not only analyses the
traditionally recognised wars of religion such as the Crusades and
the Thirty Years War and the many Islamic jihads, but also
addresses the role played by nearly all religions in encouraging
warrior kings, dictators and even democracies to wage wars,
supporting them with money, promises of paradise in the after-life,
guarantees of victory (God is on their side) and ceremonial to keep
up morale. Onward Christian Soldiers. Oliver Thomson assesses the
level of religious involvement in wars, including less obvious ones
such as the attempted invasion of the Spanish Armada, the French
Revolutionary Wars, and the Japanese War in the Pacific; the prime
minister of Japan who launched the attack on Pearl Harbor was a
devout Buddhist. There are examples of wars inspired by Judaism,
rival Christian and Muslim sects, Sikhism and Japanese Shinto. The
first section of the book discusses several different types of
religious influence in conflicts, ranging from almost purely
religious wars like the French or German wars of religion, to the
many others where religion only played a supportive but still
significant role. It also explores the reasons why religious
sanction has been welcomed by war leaders and why religions chose
to cooperate. Distinctions are drawn between the documented faith
of each religion and its manipulation by its leaders when it suited
them. Four main sections cover wars from the pre-Christian era, the
Middle Ages, the early modern period and finally the conflicts of
the twenty-first century, including the use made of the Russian
church by Vladimir Putin, of Sunni Islam by Mohammed bin Salman -
even of Pentecostalism in Guatemala.
In 1969 the once peaceful Catholic civil rights movement in
Northern Ireland degenerated into widespread violence between the
nationalist and unionist communities. The conflict, known as the
Troubles, would last for thirty years. The early years of the
Troubles helped to define the nature of the conflict for years to
come. This was the period in which unionism divided into moderate
and extreme wings; the Provisional IRA emerged amidst the
resurgence of violent republicanism; and British military and
governmental responsibility for Northern Ireland culminated in
direct rule. Based on extensive research in British, Irish and
American archives, Anglo-Irish Relations in the Early Troubles
examines the diplomatic relationship between the key players in the
formative years of the Northern Ireland conflict. It analyses how
the Irish government attempted to influence British policy
regarding Northern Ireland and how Britain sought to affect
Dublin's response to the crisis. It was from this strained
relationship of opposition and co-operation that the long-term
shape of the Troubles emerged.
|
|