Borders - whether settled or contested, violent or calm, closed or open - may have a direct, and often acute, human impact. Those affected may be people living nearby, those attempting to cross them and even those who succeed in doing so. At the border, vulnerable refugee and migrant communities, especially women, are exposed to state-centred boundary practices, paving the way for both their alienation and exploitation. The militarization of borders subjugates the very position of women in these marginalized areas and often subjects them to further victimization, which is facilitated by patriarchal socio-cultural practice. Structural violence is endemic to these regions and gender interlocks with their perimeters to reinforce and shape violence. This book locates gender and violence along geographical edges and critically examines the gendered experiences of women as global border residents and border crossers. Broadly, it explores two questions. First, what are women's experiences of engaging with borders? Second, where are women positioned in the theory and practice of marking, remarking and demarking these margins? Offering a nuanced and thorough approach, this book suggests that research on borders and violence needs to focus on how bordered violence shapes the embodiment of gender identity and norms and how they are challenged. It examines an array of issues including forced migration, trafficking and cross-border ties to explore how gender and borders intersect.

Currently, the nation's attention is concentrated on the long-standing sexual misdeeds conducted by prominent political, sports, and entertainment figures, which has been succinctly captured by the "#Me Too" movement. This movement has spread to call into question the actions of leaders in religious institutions and organizations, providing the context for research that examines the experiences of individuals and groups as they engage in their daily activities within these establishments. #MeToo Issues in Religious-Based Institutions and Organizations is an essential research book that provides comprehensive research into the effects of the #MeToo movement on institutions and organizations with a significant religious basis and reveals challenges and issues of welcoming gender and diversity. Readers will gain insights and tools for improving social conditions in their personal lives, in places of worship, in organizations, and in academic or other institutional environments. Highlighting a range of topics including diversity, gender equality, and Abrahamic religions, this book is ideal for religious officials, church leaders, psychologists, sociologists, professionals, researchers, academicians, and students.

Violence has been a central feature of AmericaOCOs history, culture, and place in the world. It has taken many forms: from state-sponsored uses of force such as war or law enforcement, to revolution, secession, terrorism and other actions with important political and cultural implications. Religion also holds a crucial place in the American experience of violence, particularly for those who have found order and meaning in their worlds through religious texts, symbols, rituals, and ideas. Yet too often the religious dimensions of violence, especially in the American context, are ignored or overstatedOCoin either case, poorly understood. "From Jeremiad to Jihad: Religion, Violence, and America" corrects these misunderstandings. Charting and interpreting the tendrils of religion and violence, this book reveals how formative moments of their intersection in American history have influenced the ideas, institutions, and identities associated with the United States. Religion and violence provide crucial yet underutilized lenses for seeing America anewOCoincluding its outlook on, and relation to, the world.

Gods at War examines the role played by religions in starting or supporting wars from ancient Egypt and Israel to the current conflicts in Yemen and the Ukraine. It not only analyses the traditionally recognised wars of religion such as the Crusades and the Thirty Years War and the many Islamic jihads, but also addresses the role played by nearly all religions in encouraging warrior kings, dictators and even democracies to wage wars, supporting them with money, promises of paradise in the after-life, guarantees of victory (God is on their side) and ceremonial to keep up morale. Onward Christian Soldiers. Oliver Thomson assesses the level of religious involvement in wars, including less obvious ones such as the attempted invasion of the Spanish Armada, the French Revolutionary Wars, and the Japanese War in the Pacific; the prime minister of Japan who launched the attack on Pearl Harbor was a devout Buddhist. There are examples of wars inspired by Judaism, rival Christian and Muslim sects, Sikhism and Japanese Shinto. The first section of the book discusses several different types of religious influence in conflicts, ranging from almost purely religious wars like the French or German wars of religion, to the many others where religion only played a supportive but still significant role. It also explores the reasons why religious sanction has been welcomed by war leaders and why religions chose to cooperate. Distinctions are drawn between the documented faith of each religion and its manipulation by its leaders when it suited them. Four main sections cover wars from the pre-Christian era, the Middle Ages, the early modern period and finally the conflicts of the twenty-first century, including the use made of the Russian church by Vladimir Putin, of Sunni Islam by Mohammed bin Salman - even of Pentecostalism in Guatemala.

We live in a world driven by fear. But should we allow fear to play such a large role in our lives? According to the religions of the world, the answer is no. In this helpful and illuminating book, Michael Kinnamon challenges readers to consider why we find ourselves in this age of fear and what we can do about it. Drawing on support from a diversity of religious traditions and teachers, Kinnamon argues that religious faith is the best way to combat a culture of fear. He explores fear in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the American political scene, and he shares courageous examples of individuals from different religions working for peace. Perfect for individuals or group study, this book helps readers understand the manipulative power of fear and how religious beliefs call us to reject fear at all costs. A study guide is included.

The five-year period following the proclamation of the Republic in April 1931 was marked by physical assaults upon the property and public ritual of the Spanish Catholic Church. These attacks were generally carried out by rural and urban anticlerical workers who were frustrated by the Republics practical inability to tackle the Churchs vast power. On 17-18 July 1936, a right-wing military rebellion divided Spain geographically, provoking the radical fragmentation of power in territory which remained under Republican authority. The coup marked the beginning of a conflict which developed into a full-scale civil war. Anticlerical protagonists, with the reconfigured structure of political opportunities working in their favour, participated in an unprecedented wave of iconoclasm and violence against the clergy. During the first six months of the conflict, innumerable religious buildings were destroyed and almost 7,000 religious personnel were killed. To date, scholarly interpretations of these violent acts were linked to irrationality, criminality and primitiveness. However, the reasons for these outbursts are more complex and deep-rooted: Spanish popular anticlericalism was undergoing a radical process of reconfiguration during the first three decades of the twentieth century. During a period of rapid social, cultural and political change, anticlerical acts took on new -- explicitly political -- meanings, becoming both a catalyst and a symptom of social change. After 17-18 July 1936, anticlerical violence became a constructive force for many of its protagonists: an instrument with which to build a new society. This book explores the motives, mentalities and collective identities of the groups involved in anticlericalism during the pre-war Spanish Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War, and is essential reading for all those interested in twentieth-century Spanish history. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.

Over the last fifteen years, Pakistan has come to be defined exclusively in terms of its struggle with terror. But are ordinary Pakistanis extremists? And what explains how Pakistanis think? Much of the current work on extremism in Pakistan tends to study extremist trends in the country from a detached position-a top-down security perspective, that renders a one-dimensional picture of what is at its heart a complex, richly textured country of 200 million people. In this book, using rigorous analysis of survey data, in-depth interviews in schools and universities in Pakistan, historical narrative reporting, and her own intuitive understanding of the country, Madiha Afzal gives the full picture of Pakistan's relationship with extremism. The author lays out Pakistanis' own views on terrorist groups, on jihad, on religious minorities and non-Muslims, on America, and on their place in the world. The views are not radical at first glance, but are riddled with conspiracy theories. Afzal explains how the two pillars that define the Pakistani state-Islam and a paranoia about India-have led to a regressive form of Islamization in Pakistan's narratives, laws, and curricula. These, in turn, have shaped its citizens' attitudes. Afzal traces this outlook to Pakistan's unique and tortured birth. She examines the rhetoric and the strategic actions of three actors in Pakistani politics-the military, the civilian governments, and the Islamist parties-and their relationships with militant groups. She shows how regressive Pakistani laws instituted in the 1980s worsened citizen attitudes and led to vigilante and mob violence. The author also explains that the educational regime has become a vital element in shaping citizens' thinking. How many years one attends school, whether the school is public, private, or a madrassa, and what curricula is followed all affect Pakistanis' attitudes about terrorism and the rest of the world. In the end, Afzal suggests how this beleaguered nation-one with seemingly insurmountable problems in governance and education-can change course.