In August 1914 the German labour movement did not oppose the decision to go to war, and workers responded with as much enthusiasm as other social strata: one of the most powerful labour movements in the world failed to live up to the ideal of class solidarity. The movement's relations with foreign workers, particularly Polish coal miners, in the Ruhr in the decades before the war foreshadowed this failure. The rural origins of the Polish migrants and their traditional Catholic religious beliefs led most observers, including their fellow workers as well as recent historians, to view them as obstacles to the labour movement and resistant to working-class consciousness. This study, based on extensive research in archives in Germany and Poland, documents a very different history - one in which Polish miners' militancy exceeded that of native miners, and whose relations with German workers were marked by both xenophobia and solidarity.

This provocative book makes the case that trade unions must intervene in economic restructuring in order to halt the erosion of job quality in today's economy. The author, who is a professor at the Kogod College of Business Administration at The American University in Washington, D.C., specializes in labor-management relations and the social responsibilities of business and has brought both of these disciplines into focus for this book. Jacobs forcefully argues that collective bargaining is not merely a means to determine wages and benefits, but is also a powerful social tool that can move the corporation toward more socially responsible and responsive forms. While American unions are currently very weak, their regeneration should be a matter of public concern.

Jacobs considers shopfloor organization, health-care delivery, and public education in the United States, as well as the process of democratization in Poland and South Africa, and explains how transformational bargaining by trade unions may promote favorable outcomes. The author explores the conventional wisdom in industrial relations theory and argues that business unionism, which focuses on bread and butter, is not an adequate model for American labor. Instead, unions can and must negotiate profound change in organizations. Unions can win bargains that preserve jobs, alter product lines, extend ownership, and redraw organizational boundaries. These possibilities are illuminated in case studies on such topics as auto manufacturing, public schools and Italian unionism.

Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is needed now more than ever. Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. Following that attack, there was a significant decline in U.S. workers' wages and conditions in real terms, and there was a corresponding decline in union membership. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is now needed more than ever. If unions make major changes as outlined in this book, the U.S. labor movement may regain some of its strength. By fighting for workplace (such as higher wages) and non-workplace issues (such as the fight for adequate childcare or against racism), unions in America and Canada that embraced what Schiavone calls social justice unionism have improved society for all. On purely bread-and-butter issues, these unions have achieved better collective bargaining agreements than their rival mainstream unions, as well as organizing more new workers per capita. How much strength organized labor will regain by embracing social justice unionism is uncertain, but it is a beginning.

As our digital economy continues to expand, gig work becomes increasingly significant. This incisive book investigates the ways in which social dialogue can reinforce decent working practices and create inclusive workplaces in the growing gig economy, putting forward a framework for structured dialogue and collective bargaining among social partners, platforms, and workers. Centred on four major case studies - Germany, Greece, Switzerland, and the UK - the book analyses the key challenges that characterise the varied European landscape of gig economies and workforces. With a particular focus on the hospitality, driving, and food delivery sectors, chapters explore the intersection of social partners' responses and gig workers' capacity to organise and build collective voice. Examining the complicated and overlapping linkages between workers' rights, social protection, social dialogue, and decent work, the book aims to expose, and ultimately put an end to, precariousness and exploitation in the context of gig labour. Integrating critical theoretical perspectives and methodologies with context-sensitive evidence, this book will be an essential resource for students and scholars of sociology, social policy, labour policy, employment relations, and human resource management. Its examination of timely questions of collective action and social dialogue in the gig economy will also appeal to activists, journalists, social partners, and policymakers.

Despite the general decline of trade unions throughout the Western world, unions in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden have prospered. Why? Galenson cites their ability to organize white collar workers, the special attention they give to recruitment of women, and their ability to undergo structural change under employer pressure. He analyzes these factors in the belief that if unions in other parts of the world understand why and how unionism is succeeding in Scandinavia, its deterioration may be slowed and even reversed. In doing so, Galenson offers specific advice on how industrial relations professionals should manage to avoid breakdown of existing systems elsewhere. Labor unions, officials, and organization executives, as well as executives throughout the public sectors, will find Galenson's views informative and enlightening.

Although there has been a good deal written about the Scandinavian labor movements in Dano-Norwegian and Swedish, there has been nothing comprehensive in English that deals with the labor movements in the three countries. Nor has there been a systematic analysis of their policies and practices. Galenson provides readers, now, with an account of how unions in the Scandinavian countries have managed to secure the world's highest rates of organization: up to 90% of all who are employed in Sweden, and somewhat less in Denmark and Norway, are trade union members, compared with 15% in the United States. The countries in which they operate are welfare states and are among the wealthiest countries in the world, yet remarkably little is known about the systems of industrial relations that have contributed to these results. Galenson's book will fill that gap and in doing so, make a unique contribution to the determination of policy in other countries.

Internationalism is generally considered to be a major feature of the labour movement, and to hold a far more powerful appeal for workers' organizations than national identity. However, this revisionist book argues that, in fact, it is the national dimension which is of utmost importance to workers' organizations, and that national questions have often compelled workers to engage in struggles on different levels. Through detailed case studies of trade union involvement in Northern Ireland, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria and Europe generally, contributors tackle subjects long neglected by labour historians and overturn the accepted wisdom that nationalism and the labour movement are irreconcilably opposed. This analysis of how international agendas are influenced by nationalist politics is unique, and the case-studies offer a dynamic description of the different ways in which nationalist values meet with trade union ideas and practices.The high standard of scholarship and the combination of historical and contemporary material make this book essential reading for students and researchers of labour history, politics, political theory and area studies.

View the Table of Contents.
Read the Introduction.

""Red Seas" is biographical history at its best. It provides a glimpse into the life of one of the most powerful Black labor leaders in U.S. history, describes the trials and tribulations, the successes and failures, of building an independent, Communist-led union, and gives the reader a general feeling for the times. Horne has done all trade-unionist and working-class people a service with "Red Seas," It is highly recommended."
--"Political Affairs"

"The political connections of Harlem and the British West Indies have been crucial for at least a century, but until recent times almost invisible except to those intimately involveda]. We are now, at long last, beginning to get a better grasp, and Gerald Horneas "Red Seas" is a huge contribution to our understanding."
--Paul Buhle, "Monthly Review"

"Horne's latest work is a forceful tract that all scholars writing about radical maritime politics, unionism, and race must take into account. Horne thus sets the standard for future scholars in this area."
--"Working USA"

"In our own age of global commerce and U.S. hyperpower, what could be more instructive than the story of Ferdinand Smith, the Caribbean Communist who led a genuinely international, multicultural union in the years that birthed the American century? Gerald Horne's remarkable biography should be required reading for those who want to glimpse the potential power of that seafaring proletariat, in the last century as well as ours."
--Nelson Lichtenstein, author of "State of the Union: A Century of American Labor"

aA major achievement. It not only illuminates the maritime sources of 20th centuryworking class black radicalism, but reveals its ongoing and complicated interplay with racism and class struggle on a global scale.a
--Joe W. Trotter, Jr., Carnegie Mellon University

"A brilliant political biography--we are in Gerald Horne's debt for bringing to life a towering figure of the 20th century. A radical labor leader in the US and Jamaica who felt the sting of anticommunism on both shores, Ferdinand Smith also laid the groundwork for the modern civil rights movement."
--Martha Biondi, author of "To Stand and Fight: the Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City"

"Exhaustively researched, this is a pioneering, insightful, sympathetic, and brilliant portrait of the life of Ferdinand Smith. A wonderful book."
--Colin Palmer, Dodge Professor of History, Princeton University

aRed Seas offers a rich account of the Communist Partyas centrality in twentieth- century anti-racist struggles, the critical role workers of colour and anti-racism played in the rise and decline of organized labor, and the tragedy of paths not taken, particularly toward the international labour alliances and organizing that might have forestalled the current international arace to the bottom.a
--"International Journal of Maritime History"

During the heyday of the U.S. and international labor movements in the 1930s and 1940s, Ferdinand Smith, the Jamaican-born co-founder and second-in-command of the National Maritime Union (NMU), stands out as one of the most--if not the most--powerful black labor leaders in the United States. Smithas active membership in the Communist Party, however, coupled with his bold labor radicalism and shaky immigration status, brought him undercontinual surveillance by U.S. authorities, especially during the Red Scare in the 1950s. Smith was eventually deported to his homeland of Jamaica, where he continued his radical labor and political organizing until his death in 1961.

Gerald Horne draws on Smithas life to make insightful connections between labor radicalism and the Civil Rights Movement--demonstrating that the gains of the latter were propelled by the former and undermined by anticommunism. Moreover, Red Seas uncovers the little-known experiences of black sailors and their contribution to the struggle for labor and civil rights, the history of the Communist Party and its black members, and the significant dimensions of Jamaican labor and political radicalism.

This unique study of labor relations and the phenomenon of peripheral bargaining focuses on the high-profile and bitter dispute at the "New York Daily News" in 1990. Using a dramatic case study involving one of New York City's oldest newspapers, 10 entrenched unions, the Chicago Tribune Company, publishing magnate Robert Maxwell, and 1.2 million "Daily News" readers, Kenneth Jennings provides systematic and extensive analysis of a rancorous collective bargaining effort, revealing a new development in labor-management relations; peripheral bargaining. This development threatens to erode the well-established practice of traditional bargaining and usher in a new, more hostile labor-management era.

As the United States encounters more competition in the marketplace, American companies must change in order to survive. This book is designed to be a comprehensive reference to those involved in salvaging and empowering as many employees as possible. Few managers and supervisors are adequately trained to effectively handle the diverse and complex human relations problems that characterize business and industries undergoing organizational changes. Relevant management theories and research data pertaining to these human relations issues are discussed in this book. Special attention is given to effective ways to empower employees and to handle confrontations that grow from race, gender, sexual orientation, age, and emotional differences, which often emerge when organizations grow or downsize to meet competition pressures. No other work includes such a broad approach to human relations in the workplace.

Chief executive officers, managers, supervisors, and students in business management courses on university levels will find this especially interesting as they deal with the dysfunctional aspects of competition manifest in the workplace. Training and development specialists and human resources professionals should also be interested.

Zukunftsperspektiven der Bundesrepublik Deutschland werden in der Öffentlichkeit wie unter Wissenschaftlern gerade heute hoch kontrovers debattiert. Besonders deutlich wird dies z. B. an sehr unterschiedlichen Einschätzungen von Reaktionsnotwendigkeiten auf den demografischen Wandel, auf die ökonomische Entwicklung sowie auf Medienmacht und die Zukunft des Nationalstaates. Kaum weniger umstritten sind neue Befunde und Konzepte in den Natur- und Ingenieurwissenschaften, so z. B. in der Hirn- und Stammzellenforschung. Die im Buch publizierten Beiträge sind an der Technischen Universität Braunschweig im Rahmen öffentlicher Ringvorlesungen entstanden und bringen aktuelle und zukünftige Entwicklungsprobleme prononciert und provokativ auf den Punkt.

This book first printed in 1926 is a collection of 6 essay's written by Jack London for various American popular magazines in the early 1900's. London died in 1914 and these essay's were gathered and published by his wife Charmian london. The titles of the chapters are 1."The Apostate," 2. "The Dream of Debs," 3. "How I became a Socialist," 4. "The Scab," 5. "What Life Means To Me," 6. "Revolution"

At one time, Asa Philip Randolph (1889-1979) was a household name. As president of the all-black Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP), he was an embodiment of America's multifaceted radical tradition, a leading spokesman for Black America, and a potent symbol of trade unionism and civil rights agitation for nearly half a century. But with the dissolution of the BSCP in the 1970s, the assaults waged against organized labor in the 1980s, and the overall silencing of labor history in U.S. popular discourse, he has been largely forgotten among large segments of the general public before whom he once loomed so large. Historians, however, have not only continued to focus on Randolph himself, but his role (either direct, or via his legacy) in a wide range of social, political, cultural, and even religious milieu and movements. The authors of Reframing Randolph have taken Randolph's dusty portrait down from the wall to reexamine and reframe it, allowing scholars to regard him in new, and often competing, lights. This collection of essays gathers, for the very first time, many genres of perspectives on Randolph. Featuring both established and emergent intellectual voices, this project seeks to avoid both hagiography and blanket condemnation alike. The contributors represent the diverse ways that historians have approached the importance of his long and complex career in the main political, social, and cultural currents of twentieth-century African American specifically, and twentieth-century U.S. history overall. The central goal of Reframing Randolph is to achieve a combination of synthetic and critical reappraisal.

History at the intersection of healthcare, labor, and civil rights. The union of hospital workers usually referred to as the 1199 sits at the intersection of three of the most important topics in US history: organized labor, health care, and civil rights. John Hennen's book explores the union's history in Appalachia, a region that is generally associated with extractive industries but has seen health care grow as a share of the overall economy. With a multiracial, largely female, and notably militant membership, 1199 was at labor's vanguard in the 1970s, and Hennen traces its efforts in hospitals, nursing homes, and healthcare centers in West Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and Appalachian Ohio. He places these stories of mainly low-wage women workers within the framework of shake-ups in the late industrial and early postindustrial United States, relying in part on the words of Local 1199 workers and organizers themselves. Both a sophisticated account of an overlooked aspect of Appalachia's labor history and a key piece of context for Americans' current concern with the status of "essential workers," Hennen's book is a timely contribution to the fields of history and Appalachian studies and to the study of social movements.

A fascinating and well-researched look at the British motor industry which will appeal to both academic readers and practitioners alike. Why are there now no major car manufacturers in Britain? Whisler considers this and the surrounding issues, making valuable comparisons with overseas manufacturers operating both in the UK and abroad, which provide us with additional interest and insight. Based upon careful use of company archives, this book covers in particular the issues of product development, quality, design, and range, ensuring that The British Motor Industry is destined to make a distinctive contribution to our understanding of the performance of UK manufacturers.

Provides practical, how-to advice for mediating a variety of conflicts, including those arising from divorces, custody and visitation decisions, family conflict, neighborhood grievances, educational disagreements, environmental disputes, and problems in the workplace.

In this study of the British labor movement, Joel Wolfe asks whether participatory democracy is possible in modern large-scale union and party organizations and how rank and file members can exercise control of delegates in the face of constraints imposed by formal bureaucratic structures at all levels. In addressing these questions he formulates a theory of participatory democracy that has broad practical application to contemporary democratic practice in industiral and political organizations. He tests his model through an analysis of the policy-making process in the British labor movement during World War I, examining thoroughly and critically direct democracy in wartime work groups, the impact of these groups on policy-making in critical areas, and their influence on decision-makers in the Trades Union Congress and the British Labor Party.

For human resource professionals, labor law specialists, and others involved in the practice of labor-management relations, Lencsis provides a concise, easily-accessed description of the workers compensation system in the United States, its governing laws and also its insurance aspects. Covering all major facets of workers compensation legislation and the insurance and risk management techniques used to comply with them, his book will have equal benefits for the staffs of insurance companies and brokerages, compensation and claims professionals, and for workers compensation executives in governmental agencies.

Lencsis explains that workers compensation laws were enacted on the federal and state levels in the early part of the century and have endured in the same basic form to the present. They represent a radical departure from common law concepts of negligence and damages in that they provide for statutory medical and wage-loss benefits regardless of who is at fault. Lencsis explores how insurance mechanisms in the public and private sectors are used to fund benefits and to make their delivery as secure and certain as possible. He also notes that workers compensation insurance is a major part of the property-casualty insurance business, and as such has recently become one of its most profitable areas. Lencsis' book helps readers to understand these concepts and to work with them in the day-to-day conduct of their business.

Occupational segregation is an important issue and can be detrimental to women. There is a strong need for more women in science, engineering, and information technology, which are traditionally male dominated fields. Female representation in the computer gaming industry is a potential way to increase the presence of women in other computer-related fields. Gender Considerations and Influence in the Digital Media and Gaming Industry provides a collection of high-quality empirical studies and personal experiences of women working in male-dominated fields with a particular focus on the media and gaming industries. Providing insight on best methods for attracting and retaining women in these fields, this volume is a valuable reference for executives and members of professional bodies who wish to encourage women in their career progression.

This study analyzes the critical factors that have shaped the character of trade unionism in the Commonwealth Caribbean, as well as the major challenges that currently confront trade union practice. Particular emphasis is placed on the sociological foundations of labor law and the role of the state, in addition to the shape and contours of future industrial relations practice in the region. This unique analysis is placed within a theoretical framework that sheds light on the role of trade unions in a peripheral capitalist social formation. This approach exposes the contradictions that characterize trade union practice and defines the role of the state in an economy that performs a particular function in the international division of labor. This work compels a rethinking of some important questions in industrial relations, including the character and ideological orientation of Caribbean unions, the nature of and fundamental reasons for state involvement in industrial relations and how the future of industrial relations practice may be shaped. The book will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in industrial relations, labor history and studies, and the economics of labor.

In a landmark contribution to the education literature, Berube examines the political activities of the two teachers' unions--the National Education Association (NEA) and the American Federation of Teachers AFL-CIO (AFT) during the last three decades. The first scholarly study of its kind, Teacher Politics argues that teachers' unions have become the most powerful political constituency in the nation. Through effective lobbying arms seeking favored legislation and political machines supporting local, state, and national candidates with manpower and money, this force of 2.5 million teachers is changing American educational politics. As Berube convincingly demonstrates, teacher unions have been reasonably effective in their political and legislative endeavors and, through their enormous resources, have become the chief representatives of education in American politics.

Exploring and critiquing various methods of mediation, this innovative book critically develops a new explorative practice in the field. Considering ways in which mediators may influence disputing parties, especially in the workplace where mediators are paid to intervene, Explorative Mediation at Work questions the common claim that mediation is a neutral intervention. The difference between offering minimally intrusive support and acting to secure a containment and even suppression of workplace conflict is heavily dependent upon a mediator's practices. At worst, engineering resolution may tarnish mediation's reputation for impartiality. At best, mediation can win the trust of parties in conflict, facilitate a democratic engagement and be of real benefit to organizations. This book aims to demonstrate the latter in proposing a practice that supports parties to seek out dialogue from which relationships may be rebuilt and practical problems resolved.

When contrasted with the miners' dramatic strike victories in 1972 and 1974, the shattering industrial defeat suffered by British miners in 1985 has been seen as evidence of the further weakening of working-class solidarity. Undertaken with complete unity, the strikes of 1972 and 1974 brought the miners substantial material gains, contributed to the downfall of a government, and reinforced the National Union of Mineworkers' position at the core of the British labour movement. In contrast, the strike in Britain in 1984/85 was marked by internal division and by the miners' attempt to resist the pit closure programme of the Thatcher government, and it ended in bitter defeat.

Freedman focuses on investigation of employees by their companies and organizations, delineating the rights and obligations of the employer and the rights and privileges of the employee in the employment relationship. Internal company investigations have in recent years become widespread as companies and corporations seek to ferret out internal problems. Officers and directors as well as employees have been subjected to the internal investigative process. But the content of these internal investigations and the precise procedures utilized by the company or corporation are simply unknown for the obvious reason that no company or corporation wants to publicize the fact of investigation, or wash its dirty linens in public Unless such inside secrets are disclosed in the course of litigation, the author of any text on internal investigations cannot detail the pragmatic substance of the internal investigation. The point is simply that the internal investigation process generally remains confidential until disclosed by the participants.

There are, however, guidelines to the internal investigation that are available, and the author has utilized every known facet of the investigative process to spotlight what the internal investigation is all about. Factors such as the right to privacy; whistleblowing; discrimination based on age, sex, race, national origin, religion, etc.; drug-testing and alcohol-testing; as well as prime causes of discharge or termination of employment are all relevant, and are delineated hereinafter. In most instances, these factors are evidenced by decided cases, thereby establishing precedents and background for the author's conclusions. In view of the increasing amount of litigation in this field, Freedman's treatise will be valuable to bench and bar, and as a guide will be useful to executives in corporations and organizations throughout the private and public sectors.