In 1986 Lon Savage published Thunder in the Mountains: The West Virginia Mine War, 1920-21, a popular history now considered a classic. Among those the book influenced are Denise Giardina, author of Storming Heaven, and John Sayles, writer and director of Matewan. When Savage passed away, he left behind an incomplete book manuscript about a lesser-known Mother Jones crusade in Kanawha County, West Virginia. His daughter Ginny Savage Ayers drew on his notes and files, as well as her own original research, to complete Never Justice, Never Peace-the first book-length account of the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike of 1912-13. Savage and Ayers offer a narrative history of the strike that weaves together threads about organizer Mother Jones, the United Mine Workers union, politicians, coal companies, and Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency guards with the experiences of everyday men and women. The result is a compelling and in-depth treatment that brings to light an unjustly neglected-and notably violent-chapter of labor history. Introduced by historian Lou Martin, Never Justice, Never Peace provides an accessible glimpse into the lives and personalities of many participants in this critical struggle.

The term organizational justice refers to perceptions of fairness within organizations. Justice as a social phenomenon has received a great deal of research attention from social psychologists. With new research on fairness in organizations, scholars in organizational behavior, industrial/organizational psychology, and managers are provided with practical orientations on how to create fair working environments. Although organizational justice is not a panacea for managers, it can help boost employee morale and cooperation. Perceptions of unfairness have been related to several negative reactions such as employee theft, lack of commitment, lawsuits, and recently aggressive behaviors in the workplace. Perceptions of fair treatment, on the other hand, have been related to attitudinal and behavioral outcomes such as employee commitment, trust, and cooperation that are conducive to organizational performance.

The most important asset of any organization is its workforce and the way people are treated shapes attitudes and behaviors such as commitment, trust, performance, turnover, aggression, and all issues of human resources. As we are moving toward a more educated workforce, people want not only better jobs but also to be treated with respect and dignity in the workplace. We are entering an era in which issues of fairness in a diversity of forms will be high on the agenda of corporate management, thus a better understanding of issues of justice in modern organizations is imperative for human resource managers.

This book introduces a framework to assist human resource practitioners and organisations embrace strategies that will drive high engagement levels within organisations with a union presence. The authors address established definitions of engagement and how they have been conceptualised in academic and practitioners' literature, before exploring and unpacking circumstances that influence levels of engagement amongst employees in a unionised environment. In doing so, the framework introduced elaborates on approaches and interventions with the greatest potential to create, improve, and embed high levels of engagement within the unionised work environment.

I Hear What You Say, But What Are You Telling Me? is a fascinating, original, and invaluable tool kit filled with practical information and techniques for mediators who want to use nonverbal communication to their strategic advantage. Employing a proven process, Barbara Madonik--communication expert, mediator, and international consultant--reveals what it takes to understand, analyze, and utilize nonverbal communication to greatly enhance the mediation process.

For undergraduate and graduate courses in labor relations and collective bargaining. Bring your best case to the table by putting theory into practice with this guide to labor relations, unions, and collective bargaining. Labor Relations and Collective Bargaining: Cases, Practice, and Law introduces students to collective bargaining and labor relations. This text is concerned with application, as well as coverage of labor history, laws, and practices.

The postman and the primary teacher, the midwife and the musician. Workers in shops, workers at sea. Solidarity with the Columbian farmer and the Palestinian fireman…   Modern trade unionists in Scotland perform roles in every imaginable location and are drawn from all backgrounds. They campaign to win on issues facing the colleague next to them or a comrade thousands of miles away. ’Mon the Workers tells their stories in their own words. It is a celebration of 125 years of the STUC, and a clarion call for the next generation to agitate, organise and win. This book demonstrates past achievements, explores the ideas trade unionists have fought for and rouses the movement towards future victories. 75 trade union members, reps and officials share experiences of union life from the anti-apartheid movement to Wick Wants Work. Alan McCredie’s charismatic portraits of 50 other activists from the trade union movement provide a complementary visual narrative. This very human book pulses with the energy of Scotland’s trade union movement, which has achieved so much and still has more to do.

Exploring a new agenda to improve outcomes for American workers.As the United States continues to struggle with the impact of the devastating COVID-19 recession, policymakers have an opportunity to redress the competition problems in our labor markets. Making the right policy choices, however, requires a deep understanding of long-term, multidimensional problems. That will be solved only by looking to the failures and unrealized opportunities in anti-trust and labor law. For decades, competition in the U.S. labor market has declined, with the result that American workers have experienced slow wage growth and diminishing job quality. While sluggish productivity growth, rising globalization, and d union representation are traditionally cited as factors for this historic imbalance in economic power, weak competition in the labor market is increasingly being recognized as a factor as well. This book by noted experts frames the legal and economic consequences of this imbalance and presents a series of urgently needed reforms of both labor and anti-trust laws to improve outcomes for American workers. These include higher wages, safer workplaces, increased ability to report labor violations, greater mobility, more opportunities for workers to build power, and overall better labor protections. Labor Market Competition will interest anyone who cares about building a progressive economic agenda or who has a marked interest in labor policy. It also will appeal to anyone hoping to influence or anticipate the much-needed progressive agenda for the United States. The book's unusual scope provides prescriptions that, as Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz notes in the introduction, map a path for rebalancing power, not just in our economy but in our democracy.

Much of the received wisdom about the world of work emphasizes the marketization of the employment relationship; the decline of class-based forms of inequality, and the individualization of employment relations. Non-standard forms of employment, the delayering of organizational hierarchies, and the use of individual performance-based payment systems are all held up as examples of a new neo-liberal order in which employers and employees no longer feel a sense of obligation to each other.
Drawing on a range of employee and employer surveys, including the authors own Working in Britain 2000 survey, this ambitious study presents a comprehensive examination of the conditions, attitudes, and experiences of British employees from the mid-1980s to the early years of this century. The authors' analyses provides a compelling critique of the received wisdom, while also providing an original, alternative account of recent developments in work and labour markets. Along the way, the book covers such topical issues as the changing nature of trade union membership, the consequences of Britain's 'long hours' culture', and the apparent inability of women to ask for pay rises. Significantly, the authors seek to reposition debates about the future of work by restoring the concepts of contracts and social class to the analysis of the employment relationship.
Based on the ESRC funded Future of Work research programme this book is destined to shape our understanding of employment in Britain for the foreseeable future.

Originally published in 1952, The Government of British Trade Unions analyses the government, in theory and in practice, of one of Britain's most important labour organizations - The Transport and General Works Union in the first half of the 20th Century. It is an appraisal of the role of the rank and file within this union of over one million members, to determine both the opportunity for, and the extent of their participation in, this State within a State. Original sources and materials, which had not previously been made public in relation to any major British or American Trade Union, were used to ascertain member turnover, participation in elections, attendance at Branch meetings and the effect of the repeal of the Trade Disputes Act on Labour Party membership. The study is of great interest both for the light it throws on the general question of Trade Unions in the modern State, and for its analysis of the Transport and General Works Union itself.

Originally published in 1981, this book explains the factors which precipitated and effected changes in the major dimensions of union activity in Britain since 1960. The authors use a series of comparative case studies to examine change in the government, growth, mergers, character and bargaining structures of British unions. The central theme of the book is that unions are far freer to determine their own behaviour than was commonly supposed. In examining changes in unions, the authors develop concepts and terms which provide new insights into union behaviour.

Examining twenty-five years of theatre history, this book covers the major plays that feature representations of the Industrial Workers of the World. American class movement and class divisions have long been reflected on the Broadway stage and here Michael Schwartz presents a fresh look at the conflict between labor and capital.

Thirty-three authorities in the field of labour and industrial relations law gather here to enhance and complement the work of the late Marco Biagi, a man who, at the time of his violent and untimely death, had shown himself to be the most insightful and committed international scholar in this complex and controversial - and, as it proved, even dangerous field. The topics covered range over many of Professor Biagi's special interests, including the following: the formulation of a new basis for labour law that could resolve new issues; employee protection in corporate restructuring; the trend toward individual "enterprise bargaining"; a new European employment policy and what it might entail; the growing phenomenon of "flexibilisation" and the effects of an ageing workforce. It also examines: the crucial nexus of free trade, labour and human rights; the promise of EU enlargement; and protection of part-time workers.

Self-representation has a long, venerable history dating to biblical times and continuing through the common law, the colonial era, to the present. This book collects and analyzes the law, ethics opinions, and empirical studies about the wide range of issues surrounding Self-represented litigants (SRLs) in our justice system, including how much, if any, assistance should a judge provide, what duties do lawyers interacting with SRLs, and many others. Using recent empirical studies from both Civil litigation and criminal defense, Jona Goldschmidt argues that SRLs' cases cannot be fairly heard without a mandatory judicial duty of reasonable assistance. In order to maintain public trust and confidence in our justice system, self-represented parties must be guided and assisted. Courts and the legal profession should continue to adapt and meet the challenge of managing and interacting with those who choose or are compelled to self-represent. Only when self-represented litigants are embraced by the courts, they will finally receive "equal justice under law." This book would be of interest to those studying criminal justice and legal studies, specifically legal history and legal ethics, as well as judges, lawyers and other professionals in the field.

This book explores the politics of localism, drawing on the work of groups in three communities in post-industrial Nottinghamshire. "Third Way" politics gave a high priority to local participation, seen as a way of rebuilding social networks, and shifting welfare provision from the state onto civil society. However, under increasingly difficult conditions of austerity, significant contradictions emerge between the aims of entrenching new markets for service provision, and reviving communities and democratic participation. Exploring in depth community organisers' understandings of political economy and its local effects, and the governance practices which set the frameworks for fiercely independent community groups, the book outlines the forms of politics which emerge. This includes a challenge to the dominant thinking of the 'neoliberal consensus', but also frustration and a sense of political communal loss which has left these communities alienated from both national politics and the often-unattainable benefits of global mobility - an alienation which makes the Brexit vote of 2016 explicable as the disruptive outcome of a slow-burning political crisis of long duration.

This book explores new forms of popular organisation that emerged from strikes in India and Brazil between 2011 and 2014. Based on four case studies, the author traces the alliances and relations that strikers developed during their mobilisations with other popular actors such as students, indigenous peoples, and people displaced by dam projects. The study locates the mass strikes in Brazil's construction industry and India's automobile industry in a global conjuncture of protest movements, and develops a new theory of strikes that can take account of the manifold ways in which labour unrest is embedded in local communities and regional networks. "Joerg Nowak has written an ambitious, wide-ranging and very important book. Based on extensive empirical research in Brazil and India and a thorough analysis of the secondary literature, Nowak reveals that numerous labour conflicts develop in the absence of trade unions, but with the support of kinship networks, local communities, social movements and other types of associations. This impressive work may well become a major building block for a new interpretation of global workers' struggles." -Marcel van der Linden, International Institute of Social History, The Netherlands "Nowak's book meticulously details the trajectory of strikes and its resultant new forms of organisations in India and Brazil. The central focus of this analytically rich and thought provoking book is to search for a new political alternative model of organising workers. A very good deed indeed!" -Nandita Mondal, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, India "Joerg Nowak analyses with critical sense forms of popular organization that often remain invisible. It is an indispensable book for all those who are looking for more effective analytical resources to better understand the present situation and the future promises of the workers' movements." -Roberto Veras de Oliveira, Federal University of Paraiba, Brazil "In this timely and important study, Nowak convincingly challenges the dominant Eurocentric approach to labour conflict and calls for a new theory of strikes. He stresses the need to engage in a wider perspective that includes social reproduction, neighbourhood mobilisations, and the specific traditions of struggles in the Global South." -Edward Webster, University of Witwatersrand, South Africa

Originally published in 1934, Trade Unions and the State is a study of political institutions. This is a lucid account of the diverse views that have been held about the nature, attributes, functions and prerogatives of the State. The book analyses the changing status and treatment of Trade Unions under the law of the UK during the early part of the 20th century.

Originally published in 1962, this book analyses and assesses the Swedish Government and structure of both trade unions and employers' organizations, including the spread of unionism to white-collar workers. It then examines Swedish labour legislation, which established an act on Collective Contracts, a Labour Court and a mediation service. The book also shows the collective bargaining system at work under conditions of full employment, and examines critically the attempts to develop a policy for wages through the labour market organizations, rather than by government decree. Anyone, in mature or developing economies, concerned with collective bargaining and wage policies will find this lucid study of the Swedish system a rich source book for positive policies.

First published in 1993, The History of the Yorkshire Miners 1881-1918 is concerned with the workers in the Yorkshire coal industry, their union, and the broader mining communities in which they lived from the formation of the Yorkshire Miners' Association in 1881 through to the end of the First World War. The period covered is of considerable importance for the consolidation of the Yorkshire Miners Union, and indeed for the building of a national miners' federation and an international miners' organisation, in both of which the role of Yorkshire's leadership was central. The decades straddling the turn of the century were characterised by volatility in the mining industry, which was reflected in a number of strikes. Carolyn Baylies traces these general processes and focuses, in detail, upon a number of episodes during which union struggles and community involvement coalesced. She explores the dynamic between district and local levels of the union, and the tensions that accompanied a progressive rationalization of bargaining machinery. This book will be of interest to students of history and sociology.

After two decades of hands-on experience with performance management systems in some of the world's most well recognized organizations, Markle has come to propound what he calls a universal law of modern business. People hate performance reviews. Drawing upon his studies of and experience with systems theory and illustrating his points with real-life examples, Markle explains why employees and managers both have come to regard the ubiquitous performance evaluation as industry's poorest performing, most ineffective, and least efficient personnel practice. By digging down to its roots, he helps us understand why attempts to correct the flawed system fail. He provides an innovative way to measure their ineffectiveness and inefficiency and then introduces his catalytic coaching to replace them.

Markle shows how his system is superior to others in five key business outcomes: 1) positive behavioral change; 2) motivation to work hard; 3) retention of key contributors; 4) internal promotions and succession; and 5) prevention of and protection from lawsuits. Not only is catalytic coaching more effective, it is also more efficient: it requires far less time and paperwork to implement and maintain. Markle gives his readers all of the forms, instruments and detailed instructions they need to operationalize his system. Business executives, senior HR professionals, and organization development specialists will benefit particularly from his presentation, as will other managers, executives, and supervisors, all of whom must learn to take ownership of their responsibilities to their organizations and themselves.

The Necessity of Organization describes Mary Kenney O'Sullivan's struggle to improve labor conditions through trade unionism. Appointed the first woman organizer for the American Federation of Labor in 1892, she went on to be a co-founder of the Women's Trade Union League, formed in 1903 as a cross-class alliance of women workers and their middle- and upper-class allies. The possibilities and limits of trade unionism for women, given the class and gender constraints of the period, are the focus of this book.

Efforts to build bottom-up global labor solidarity began in the late 1970s and continue today, having greater social impact than ever before. In Building Global Labor Solidarity: Lessons from the Philippines, South Africa, Northwestern Europe, and the United States Kim Scipes-who worked as a union printer in 1984 and has remained an active participant in, researcher about, and writer chronicling the efforts to build global labor solidarity ever since-compiles several articles about these efforts. Grounded in his research on the KMU Labor Center of the Philippines, Scipes joins first-hand accounts from the field with analyses and theoretical propositions to suggest that much can be learned from past efforts which, though previously ignored, have increasing relevance today. Joined with earlier works on the KMU, AFL-CIO foreign policy, and efforts to develop global labor solidarity in a time of accelerating globalization, the essays in this volume further develop contemporary understandings of this emerging global phenomenon.

This book analyzes how a sizable group of Gennan workers came to support Communism and how they in turn influenced the emergence and development of the German Communist Party (KPD) in its fonnative period as a mass party. It reconstructs the interaction between a party and the constituency to which it appealed within the constraints and opportunities set by social structures, econo mic conditions, and political competitors. This interaction revolved around the elaboration and implementation of a specific concept of revolutionary politics, and this study investigates both the rise of the KPD as a mass party and its failure to set off a socialist revolution in the early 1920s in light of the contradictory ways German workers responded to its revolutionary strategy. When I began to study the KPD in the mid 1970s, scholarly works in the West portrayed a party so out of touch with the realities of German life from 1918 to 1933 that its history was a litany of political mistakes that led from crisis to catastrophe. The KPD was dominated by the foreign policy interests of the Soviet Union, by factional disputes and personal rivalries among the leadership, by an authoritarian, centralized party structure that stifled rank-and-file initiative and imposed a party line determined in Moscow and Berlin, and by a rigid ideology largely irrelevant to trends in German economy, society, and politics with at best compensatory value for a minority of the most impoverished workers."

Originally published in 1987, this book traces the historical and sociological dimensions of the Trade Union movement and analyses the nature of the trade unions' involvement in the UK Labour Party during the 1970s and 80s. It discusses the review campaigns, and their implications, both for trade unions specifically and for politics in general. From the viewpoint of the trade unions, this book tells of an experience which was, for the Thatcher era, uniquely successful and innervating, opening up new approaches to campaigning.