Regimes of Capital in the Post-Digital Age provides a view of the current state of capitalism, through the interrogation of key diagnoses offered by philosophers and social theorists. With attention to questions about the manner in which the advent of the information age has shaped capitalism, the implications of the post- digital age for social capital, and the possible forms of resistance to the problematic aspects of capitalism, it will appeal to scholars of sociology, philosophy, and social theory with interests in critical theory, capitalist society, and digital culture.

The book is a work of political archaeology: it focuses on the people and events at a particular colonial farm in Germantown, Pennsylvania. The peoples' and farm's stories provide a micro and macro view of economic, social, demographic, and agro-ecological change. Cresheim Farm shows how one mostly unknown but strategically placed piece of land - home to an extraordinary array of people, including anti-slavery and anti-Nazi activists, the first woman editor of the Saturday Evening Post and a robber baron - can tell, affect and reflect the history of a nation. The writing is historically grounded and academic, future-oriented, deeply researched, and immediate. Cresheim Farm serves as a lens through which to observe and magnify social forces, such as the launching point of freedom and democracy movements, white privilege, slavery, and genocidal westward expansion. The past lives on in all of us.

What was the relationship between ordinary Germans and Hitler's government? Why did such a dreadful political system find any popular support at all? Who was brave enough to defy the laws of the Third Reich? This book examines decisions made by different social groups to resist or conform to the Nazi regime. Using accessible language, and drawing on the full range of sources available to historians, Martyn Housden adopts a thematic approach to the subject. He considers, for example, why church-goers failed to reject decisively Hitler's atheistic political movement; what impact the persecution of Germany's Jewish citizens had on the everyday lives of other Germans; why the Hitler Youth held such appeal for young people.

Stephen E Hunt has produced the definitive study of Street Farm (Graham Caine, Peter Crump and Bruce Haggart), a London-based collective collective of anarchist architects working in the early 1970s. The three friends put together Street Farmer, an underground paper that, alongside mutating tower blocks, cosmic tractors and sprouting one-way signs, propagated ideas for the radical transformation of urban living which they called 'revolutionary urbanism'. Taking inspiration from Situationism and social ecology, Street Farm offered a powerful vision of green cities in the control of ordinary people. As well as writing and drawing, the group took part in street activism and squatting, were exponents of autonomous housing and radical technology and became rock 'n' roll architects, going on the road with multimedia slideshow presentations to a recorded soundtrack of music by the likes of John Lennon and Jefferson Airplane. In 1972 Caine built and designed 'Street Farmhouse' with Haggart and other friends. It hit national and international headlines as the first structure intentionally constructed as an ecological house, appearing on an early BBC documentary introduced by a youthful Melvin Bragg. While their fame was brief, their ongoing influence on prominent green architects including Howard Liddell, Brenda Vale and Robert Vale and Paul Downton has been more enduring. In the present time of crisis the current hegemony of state and capital offers solutions that increasingly fail to inspire confidence and lack credibility in the eyes of millions of world citizens. The principles of organising society for human well-being and justice and for ecological viability are enduring. Radical history learns from the past to inform the present and inspire the struggle for the future. The utopian current suddenly seems not so utopian; eco-anarchism offers a set of thinking tools to imagine alternative possibilities for that future. If we can demand the impossible, we can also refuse the inevitable.

Thomas Paine was an influential revolutionary pamphleteer, whose writings were instrumental in bringing about some significant political changes. His mastery of language was rivalled only by Swift and Cobbett. British-born, he emigrated to America in 1775 where his pamphlet "Common Sense" (1776) was directly responsible for the coming about of American independence. The "Rights of Man", published in 1791 became the founding text of the British working class movement. As part of his argument for man's natural rights Paine anticipated the Welfare State, arguing as early as 1797 for poor relief, old-age pensions and unemployment projects. Paine's importance lies not so much in the depth of his political philosophy as in his great abilities as communicator of political ideas. This text dicusses and considers the various implications of Paine's writings.

Uniquely presented as a conversation between two female analysts: one African American and one white British. Confronts themes including race, heritage, racism, politics, colonialism and culture.

These essays by medievalists touch upon many aspects of intercultural links in the medieval Mediterranean, covering not only strictly cultural and religious contacts, but also political, military, ethnic, social institutional, scientific and technological relationships.

There is a crisis in contemporary postcolonial theory: while an enormous body of challenging research has been produced under its auspices, severely critical questions about the validity and usefulness of this theory have also been raised. This Reader is positioned at the juncture where it can address these contestations. It makes available some of the 'classics' of the field; engages with the issues raised by contemporary practitioners; but also offers several of the arguments that strongly critique postcolonial theory. Although postcolonial theory purports to be inter-disciplinary and frequently anti-foundationalist, traces of disciplinary formations and linearity have continued to haunt its articulations. This Reader, on the other hand, offers a uniquely inter-disciplinary mapping. It is concerned with three main areas: definitional problems and contests including the current challenges to postcolonial theory; the 'disciplining of knowledge', where the multiple resonances of the word 'disciplining' are all engaged; and the location of practice where the relations between intellectual practice and historical conditions are explored. Finally, since the guiding principle of this Reader is simultaneous attention to the enabling and constraining mechanisms of historical realities and institutional practices, the commentary problematizes the writing of histories, the formations of canons, and indeed the production of Readers.

Post-Colonial Drama is the first full-length study to address the ways in which performance has been instrumental in resisting the continuing effects of imperialism. It brings to bear the latest theoretical approaches from post-colonial and performance studies to a range of plays from Australia, Africa, Canada, New Zealand, the Caribbean and other former colonial regions. Some of the major topics discussed include:
* the interactions of post-colonial and performance theories
* the post-colonial re-stagings of language and history
* the specific enactments of ritual and carnival
* the theatrical citations of the post-colonial body
Post-Colonial Drama combines a rich intersection of theoretical approaches with close attention to a wide range of performance texts.

eBook available with sample pages: 020342106X

This book explores the political construction of imperial frontiers during the reigns of Ferdinand the Catholic and Charles V in the Iberian Peninsula and the Mediterranean. Contrary to many studies on this topic, this book neither focuses on a specific frontier nor attempts to provide an overview of all the imperial frontiers. Instead, it focuses on a specific individual: Juan Rena (1480-1539). This Venetian clergyman spent 40 years serving the king in several capacities while travelling from the Maghreb to northern Spain, from the Pyrenees to the western fringes of the Ottoman Empire. By focusing on his activities, the book offers an account of the Spanish Empire's frontiers as a vibrant political space where a multiplicity of figures interacted to shape power relations from below. Furthermore, it describes how merchants, military officers, nobles, local elites and royal agents forged a specific political culture in the empire's liminal spaces. Through their negotiations and cooperation, but also through their competition and clashes, they created practices and norms in areas like cross-cultural diplomacy, the making of the social fabric, the definition of new jurisdictions, and the mobilization of resources for war.

Post-Colonial Drama is the first full-length study to address the ways in which performance has been instrumental in resisting the continuing effects of imperialism. It brings to bear the latest theoretical approaches from post-colonial and performance studies to a range of plays from Australia, Africa, Canada, New Zealand, the Caribbean and other former colonial regions. Some of the major topics discussed in Post-Colonial Drama include:
* the interactions of post-colonial and performance theories
* the post-colonial re-stagings of language and history
* the specific enactments of ritual and carnival
* the theatrical citations of the post-colonial body
Post-Colonial Drama combines a rich intersection of theoretical approaches with close attention to a wide range of performance texts.

It's not the economy, stupid: How liberal politicians' faith in the healing powers of economic growth-and refusal to address racial divisions-fueled reactionary politics across the South. From FDR to Clinton, charismatic Democratic leaders have promised a New South-a model of social equality and economic opportunity that is always just around the corner. So how did the region become the stronghold of conservative Republicans in thrall to Donald Trump? After a lifetime studying Southern politics, Anthony Badger has come to a provocative conclusion: white liberals failed because they put their faith in policy solutions as an engine for social change and were reluctant to confront directly the explosive racial politics dividing their constituents. After World War II, many Americans believed that if the edifice of racial segregation, white supremacy, and voter disfranchisement could be dismantled across the South, the forces of liberalism would prevail. Hopeful that economic modernization and education would bring about gradual racial change, Southern moderates were rattled when civil rights protest and federal intervention forced their hand. Most were fatalistic in the face of massive resistance. When the end of segregation became inevitable, it was largely driven by activists and mediated by Republican businessmen. Badger follows the senators who refused to sign the Southern Manifesto and rejected Nixon's Southern Strategy. He considers the dilemmas liberals faced across the South, arguing that their failure cannot be blamed simply on entrenched racism. Conservative triumph was not inevitable, he argues, before pointing to specific false steps and missed opportunities. Could the biracial coalition of low-income voters that liberal politicians keep counting on finally materialize? Badger sees hope but urges Democrats not to be too complacent.

This is the first comprehensive history of conscription and the military in Italy from the Restoration to the eve of WWI. The comparative and transnational approach enables this work to compare and contrast the Italian experience with that of many other countries in the world as well as understand transfers and the adaptive and imitative processes that emerge when conscription and the military are viewed from an Italian perspective. Peacetime and wartime recruitment, military life, culture, justice and civil-military relationships are analysed using a wide range of sources and an interdisciplinary approach that combines top-down and bottom-up perspectives. This enables the book not only to assess the contribution the military has made to the country in terms of state-building, nation building, modernization, pedagogical and disciplinary models, gender identity and roles, but also to reconsider the standard taxonomies as well as some established evolutionary models of the armies. Moreover, the Italian military is seen as an internally complex world that is incapable of defining its own one-dimensional identity or of imposing any such identity on its members. Consequently, it is an element in the history of a country that is substantially the same as any other such element and thus important in people’s collective and individual lives whether or not they are in uniform. Rather than being an object of study in and of itself, the military becomes a vantage point from which to observe the Italian history in the long 19th century. Therefore, this book can be profitably read by professional military historians and non-specialist readers interested in the military, as well as by all scholars working on Italian pre- and post-unification political, institutional, socio-economic, cultural and gender history.

This book presents a comprehensive overview of the evolution of imperialism in Portugal, Spain, Netherlands, France, and the Great Britain. It delves into the background of colonialization and focuses on the nature of the motives of necessity, utility, religious, and exploratory and the modus operandi of the establishment of the colonies which required substantial amount of capital. The volume discusses a wide range of themes including the role of Spain as a Muslim colony; rise and fall of Spain as an imperial power; Portuguese discoveries and colonialization; conquests of Dutch companies of East India and West Indies; the French company of the Indies; British colonies in Americas, Africa and Australasia and English East India Company to showcase a holistic history of European competition for trade through wars in North America, South America, Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and Asia. This book will be of interest to general readers interested in history of colonization, imperialism, Third World studies, post-colonial studies, international relations, defense and strategic studies, South Asian history, and European history.

How is pan-nationalism different from other forms of nationalism? This book explores the diversity of pan-nationalism in both theory and practice. Drawing on Rogers Brubaker, the book introduces "pan-nationalism" as a category of practice. It shows that pan-nationalism implied transcending political frontiers, intermittently possessed a pejorative subtext, and differed from unmodified "nationalism" partly due to a retroactively applied success/failure criterion. Pan-nationalists always look across political frontiers, but do not always want a single pan-national state. The book explores the diversity of pan-nationalism through case studies and a selection of pan-national movements such as: Habsburg pan-Slavism from both the Slavic and Hungarian perspective, pan-Saxonism in Europe and North America, pan-Ethiopianism and pan-Somalism in the horn of Africa, and pan-Hinduism online. The book will be of interest to students and researchers of politics including comparative politics, various forms of nationalism and history. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Nationalism and Ethnic Politics.

The Rise of the Radical Right in the Global South is the first academic study—adopting an interdisciplinary and international perspective—to offer a comprehensive and groundbreaking framework for understanding the emergence and consolidation of different radical-right movements in Global South countries in the twenty-first century. From deforestation and the anti-vaccine movement in Bolsonaro’s Brazil to the massacre of religious minorities in Modi’s India, the rise of the radical right in the Global South is in the news every day. Not long ago, some of these countries were globally celebrated as emerging economies that consolidated vibrant democracies. Nonetheless, they never overcame structural problems including economic inequality, social violence, cultural conservatism, and political authoritarianism. Featuring case studies from Brazil, India, the Philippines, and South Africa, and more generally from Africa and Latin America, this book analyses future scenarios and current alternatives to this political movement to the radical right. It proposes a shift of focus in examining such a trend, adopting a view from the Global South; conventional theoretical tools developed around the experience in Global North countries are not enough. The authors show that the radical right in the Global South should be analysed through specific lenses, considering national historical patterns of political and economic development and instability. They also warn that researching these countries may differ from contexts where democratic institutions are more reliable. This does not mean abandoning a transnational understanding of the radical right; rather, it calls for the opposite: the chapters examine how the radical right is invented, adapted, modified, and resisted in specific regions of the globe. This volume will be of interest to all those researching the radical right and the politics of development and the Global South.

Rising Fascism in America: It Can Happen Here explores how rising fascism has infiltrated U.S. politics-and how the media and academia failed to spot its earlier rise. Anthony R. DiMaggio spotlights the development of rightwing polarization of the media, Trump's political ascendance, and the prominence of extremist activists, including in Congress. Fascism has long bubbled under the surface until the coup attempt of January 6th, 2021. This book offers tactics to combat fascism, exploring social movements such as Antifa and Black Lives Matter in mobilizing the public. When so little scholarship engages the question of fascism, Anthony R. DiMaggio combines the rigor of academic analysis with an accessible style that appeals to student and general readers.

In Decolonizing the Social Sciences and the Humanities Bernd Reiter contributes to the ongoing efforts to decolonize the social sciences and humanities, by arguing that true decolonization implies a liberation from the elite culture that Western civilization has perpetually promoted. Reiter brings together lessons learned from field research on a Colombian indigenous society, a maroon society, also in Colombia, from Afro-Brazilian religion, from Spanish Anarchism, and from German Council democracy, and from analyzing non-Western ontologies and epistemologies in general. He claims that once these lessons are absorbed, it becomes clear that Western civilization has advanced individualization and elitism. The chapters present the case that human beings are able to rule themselves, and have done so for some 300,000 years, before the Neolithic Revolution. Self-rule and rule by councils is our default option once we rid ourselves of leaders and rulers. Reiter concludes by considering the massive manipulations and the heinous divisions that political elitism, dressed in the form of representative democracy, has brought us, and implores us to seek true freedom and democracy by liberating ourselves from political elites and taking on political responsibilities. Decolonizing the Social Sciences and the Humanities is written for students, scholars, and social justice activists across cultural anthropology, sociology, geography, Latin American Studies, Africana Studies, and political science.

"White Skin/Black Masks" focuses on the fiction and travel writings of Henry Rider Haggard and Rudyard Kipling. Close friends as well as prominent figures of imperial and colonial myth-making, Haggard and Kipling were praised for their alleged knowledge of and ability to speak from within the "native" cultures of Africa and India. Narrators and characters in their fiction attest to a persistent fascination with the body-image of the "Other." Kipling's fiction in particular deals with disguise and physical transformation through the use of costume. This book addresses the psychic processes of negation, projection and reappropriation in the dynamics of pleasure/unpleasure and mastery/defense found in the work of these two writers. It also seeks to provide a historical context for understanding how these forces emerged from and were played out in contemporary society.
The fascination with exotic cultures and the crossing of cultural boundaries provides some of the most striking ways in which a colonizing culture articulates its self-identity and authority. "White Skin/Black Masks" employs the most recent thinking in psychoanalysis, anthropology and colonial discourse theory to analyze the manner in which fantasy and fabulation is always caught up in networks of desire and power.

'A real treasure that we can't stop exploring' - La Republica Felicia Browne decided it was time to put down her paintbrushes and pick up a rifle. Jimmy Yates left Chicago with three books in his bindle, sacrificing them all on the gruelling trek across the Pyrenees. Salaria Kea worked at the front as a nurse, judged by her skill rather than her skin colour... In 1936 something extraordinary happened. As the threat of fascism swept across the Iberian peninsula, thousands of people from all over the world left their families and jobs to heed the call - No Pasaran! History has never seen a wave of solidarity like it. The Spanish Civil War ended in 1939 with the Republic crushed, but the revolutionary dream of the International Brigades has never burnt out. Through these 60 illustrated profiles, Brigadistes embroiders an epic story of political struggle with the everyday bravery, sorrow and love of those who lived it.

The extraordinary and dramatic biography of the first modern feminist, who spent her entire life fighting for the principle of equality 'Gripping ... Most lives would be overshadowed by such a melodramatic end. But Marx's life was so much more than a murder mystery, as Rachel Holmes's gripping and vividly told biography demonstrates' Sunday Times 'Superb ... The story of this remarkable life is so well told, with a rare combination of pace, verve and scholarship' Jeanette Winterson, Daily Telegraph Unrestrained by convention, lion-hearted and free, Eleanor Marx (1855-98) was an exceptional woman. Hers was the first English translation of Flaubert's Mme Bovary. She pioneered the theatre of Henrik Ibsen. She was the first woman to lead the British dock workers' and gas workers' trades unions. For years she worked tirelessly for her father, Karl Marx, as personal secretary and researcher. Later she edited many of his key political works, and laid the foundations for his biography. But foremost among her achievements was her pioneering feminism. For her, sexual equality was a necessary precondition for a just society. Drawing strength from her family and their wide circle, including Friedrich Engels and Wilhelm Liebknecht, Eleanor Marx set out into the world to make a difference - her favourite motto: 'Go ahead!' With her closest friends - among them, Olive Schreiner, Havelock Ellis, George Bernard Shaw, Will Thorne and William Morris - she was at the epicentre of British socialism. She was also the only Marx to claim her Jewishness. But her life contained a deep sadness: she loved a faithless and dishonest man, the academic, actor and would-be playwright Edward Aveling. Yet despite the unhappiness he brought her, Eleanor Marx never wavered in her political life, ceaselessly campaigning and organising until her untimely end, which - with its letters, legacies, secrets and hidden paternity - reads in part like a novel by Wilkie Collins, and in part like the modern tragedy it was. Rachel Holmes has gone back to original sources to tell the story of the woman who did more than any other to transform British politics in the nineteenth century, who was unafraid to live her contradictions.

The first part of this volume deals with the changes and continuities in historical approaches over the last fifty years, with three further sections focusing on initial contacts, formal presences, and informal presences. Emphasis has been placed on the major European players in Asia and Africa before 1800 - the Portuguese, Dutch and English, without neglecting the role played by the French, Spanish, Scandinavians and others.

Sport is far more than a national and international entertainment: it is a source of political identity, morale, pride and superiority. Tribal Identities explores the influence of sport on the nations of Europe as a mechanism of national solidarity promoting a sense of identity, unity, status and esteem; as an instrument of confrontation between nations, stimulating aggression, stereotyping, and images of inferiority and superiority; and as a cultural bond linking nations across national boundaries, providing common enthusiasm, shared experiences, the transcendence of national allegiances, and opportunities for association, understanding and goodwill.