Investigates historic strands of conservative thought and responds to the radical changes which many think have transformed the Conservative party into a populist movement upholding English nationalism. All Souls College Oxford was one of the meeting points of English public intellectuals in the twentieth century. Its Fellows prided themselves on agreeing in everything except their opinions. They included Cabinet Ministers from all the three major parties, and academics of diverse political allegiances, who met for frank conversations and lively disagreements. Davenport-Hines investigates historic strands of conservative thought: aversion to rapid and disruptive change, mistrust of majority opinions, prizing of community loyalties and pride over the assertion of aggressive individualism, the recession of the Church of England, and the impact of militarism. Conservative Thinkers from All Souls College Oxford draws on the ideas of two conservative thinkers, 'Trimmer' Halifax and Michael Oakeshott, to examine the conservative assumptions, ideas, writings and influence of seven Fellows of All Souls from the last century. Their brands of conservatism regarded popular democracy as an unavoidable necessity which must be managed rather than loved. Their scepticism about the rule of the people was rooted in a meritocratic commitment to the government of the wise. They disliked plutocracy, regretted consumerism, and loathed sloppy and self-serving thought. All were more or less dissatisfied with the workings of the Westminster parliamentary model.

In this powerful and passionate critique of the 'war on terror' in Afghanistan and its extensions into Palestine and Iraq, Derek Gregory traces the long history of British and American involvements in the Middle East and shows how colonial power continues to cast long shadows over our own present.
Argues the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11 activated a series of political and cultural responses that were profoundly colonial in nature.
The first analysis of the "war on terror" to connect events in Afghanistan, Palestine, and Iraq.
Traces the connections between geopolitics and the lives of ordinary people.
Richly illustrated and packed with empirical detail.

The diaries of Dr Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi offer a unique insight to the peculiarities of colonialism that have shaped Palestinian history. Elected mayor of Jerusalem - his city of birth - in 1935, the physician played a leading role in the Palestinian Rebellion of the next year, with profound consequences for the future of Palestinian resistance and British colonial rule. One of many Palestinian leaders deported as a result of the uprising, it was in British-imposed exile in the Seychelles Islands that al-Khalidi began his diaries. Written with equal attention to lively personal encounters and ongoing political upheavals, entries in the diaries cover his sudden arrest and deportation by the colonial authorities, the fifteen months of exile on the tropical island, and his subsequent return to political activity in London then Beirut. The diaries provide a historical and personal lens into Palestinian political life in the late 1930s, a period critical to understanding the catastrophic 1948 exodus and dispossession of the Palestinian people. With an introduction by Rashid Khalidi the publication of these diaries offers a wealth of primary material and a perspective on the struggle against colonialism that will be of great value to anyone interested in the Palestinian predicament, past and present.

In haar 'transformasie-trilogie' bestaande uit Country of My Skull (1998), A Change of Tongue (2003) en Begging to be Black (2009) artikuleer Antjie Krog haar kritiek op en weerstand teen bepaalde opvattings van Westerse moderniteit. Die nagevolge van kolonialisme in Suid-Afrika in die vorm van apartheid, en die modernistiese skepping van 'ras' word as problematiese konsepte hanteer en Krog onderneem soektogte na 'n alternatiewe manier van wees in Suid-Afrika. Jacomien van Niekerk karteer in 'baie worde': Identiteit en transformasie by Antjie Krog die argumente wat in die loop van die trilogie opgebou word rondom die nou-vervlegte konsepte van kolonialisme/postkolonialisme, 'ras', identiteit, 'n Afrika-wereldbeeld' en die Suid-Afrikaanse nasie-en maak as sodanig 'n bydrae tot aktuele diskoerse. Lof vir 'baie worde': Identiteit en transformasie by Antjie Krog

A century on, scholars can achieve a certain balance in views of what Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin's government meant for Russia and for the world. In Roberto Echeverran synthesizes all that we know about Lenin and his government by taking data from new and original sources. With auxiliary chapters on the evolution of land tenancy in Russia, the collectivization of land under Stalin, and the suppression of sexual minorities under Soviet rule, this book adds breadth and scope to our understanding of Lenin's government and legacy.

As Jimmy Carter ascended to the presidency the heir apparent to Democratic liberalism, he touted his background as a born-again evangelical. Once in office, his faith indeed helped form policy on a number of controversial moral issues. By acknowledging certain behaviors as sinful while insisting that they were private matters beyond government interference, J. Brooks Flippen argues, Carter unintentionally alienated both social liberals and conservative Christians, thus ensuring that the debate over these moral "family issues" acquired a new prominence in public and political life.

The Carter era, according to Flippen, stood at a fault line in American culture, religion, and politics. In the wake of the 1960s, some Americans worried that the traditional family faced a grave crisis. This newly politicized constituency viewed secular humanism in education, the recognition of reproductive rights established by "Roe v. Wade," feminism, and the struggle for homosexual rights as evidence of cultural decay and as a challenge to religious orthodoxy. Social liberals viewed Carter's faith with skepticism and took issue with his seeming unwillingness to build on recent progressive victories. Ultimately, Flippen argues, conservative Christians emerged as the Religious Right and were adopted into the Republican fold.

Examining Carter's struggle to placate competing interests against the backdrop of difficult foreign and domestic issues--a struggling economy, the stalled Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, disputes in the Middle East, handover of the Panama Canal, and the Iranian hostage crisis--Flippen shows how a political dynamic was formed that continues to this day.

Liberalism is the dominant ideology of our time, yet its character remains the subject of intense scholarly and political controversy. Debates about the liberal political tradition - about its history, its central philosophical commitments, its implications for political practice - lie at the very heart of the discipline of political theory. Many outstanding political theorists have contributed to the growing sophistication of these debates in recent years, but the original voice of Michael Freeden deserves particular attention. In the course of a body of work that spans over thirty years, Freeden's iconoclastic contributions have posed important challenges to the dominant understandings of liberal ideology, history, and theory. Such work has sought to redefine the very essence of what it is to be a liberal. This book brings together an international group of historians, philosophers, and political scientists to evaluate the impact of Freeden's work and to reassess its central claims.

Sam Haselby offers a new and persuasive account of the role of religion in the formation of American nationality. The book shows how, in the early American republic, a contest within Protestantism reshaped American political culture, leading to the creation of an enduring religious nationalism. Following U.S. independence, the new republic faced vital challenges, including a vast and unique continental colonization project undertaken without (in the centuries-old European senses of the terms) either "a church" or "a state." Amid this crisis, two distinct Protestant movements arose: one, a popular and rambunctious frontier revivalism, and the other a nationalist, corporate missionary movement dominated by New England and Northeastern elites. The former heralded the birth of popular American Protestantism, while the latter marked the advent of systematic Protestant missionary activity in the West. The world-historic economic and territorial growth that accelerated in the early American republic, and the complexity of its political life, gave both movements unusual opportunity for innovation and influence. The Origins of American Religious Nationalism explores the competition between them in relation to major contemporary political developments. More specifically, political democratization, large-scale immigration and unruly migration, fears of political disintegration, the rise of American capitalism and American slavery, and the need to nationalize the frontier, all shaped, and were shaped by, this contest. The book follows these developments, focusing mostly on religion and the frontier, from before the American Revolution to the rise of Andrew Jackson. The approach helps explains many important general developments in American history, including why Indian removal took place when and how it did, why the political power of the Southern planter class could be sustained, and, above all, how Andrew Jackson was able to create the first full-blown expression of American religious nationalism.

In The Political Economy of Indigo in India, 1580-1930: A Global Perspective Ghulam A. Nadri explores the dynamics of the indigo industry and trade from a long-term perspective and examines the local and global forces that affected the potentialities of production in India and elsewhere and caused periods of boom and slump in the industry. Using the commodity chains conceptual framework he examines the stages in the trajectory of indigo from production to consumption. Nadri shows convincingly that the growth or decline in indigo production and trade in India was a part of the global processes of production, trade, and consumption and that indigo as a global commodity was embedded in the politics of empire and colonial expansion.

'Englishmen Transplanted' challenges the widely accepted view of seventeenth-century Barbados planters as reckless fortune seekers who failed to create a viable society in the tropics. Rather, it argues they were settlers eager to transplant what was familiar to them: political and religious institutions, the nuclear family, and traditional views about social order, housing, and apparel.

Covering Western and Eastern Europe, this book looks at the Holocaust on the local level. It compares and contrasts the behaviour and attitude of neighbours in the face of the Holocaust. Topics covered include deportation programmes, relations between Jews and Gentiles, violence against Jews, perceptions of Jewish persecution, and reports of the Holocaust in the Jewish and non-Jewish press.

Winner of the Women's History Network Prize 2014 Winner of the Robert and Vineta Colby Scholarly Book Prize 2015 Empire, Race and the Politics of Anti-Caste provides the first comprehensive biography of Catherine Impey and her radical political magazine, Anti-Caste. Published monthly from 1888, Anti-Caste published articles that exposed and condemned racial prejudice across the British Empire and the United States. Editing the magazine from her home in Street, Somerset, Impey welcomed African and Asian activists and made Street an important stop on the political tour for numerous foreign guests, reorienting geographies of political activism that usually locate anti-racist politics within urban areas. The production of Anti-Caste marks an important moment in early progressive politics in Britain and, using a wealth of archival sources, this book offers a thorough exploration both of the publication and its founder for those interested in imperial history and the history of women.

Sicker asserts that the Mosaic canon, the Pentateuch, is first and foremost a library of essentially political teachings and documents, and that the first eleven chapters of the book of "Genesis" set forth in essence a general Mosaic political philosophy. These writings take a unique mythopoeic approach to the construction of a normative political theory intended to undergird the idea of a mutual covenant between God and the people of Israel that is to be realized in history in the creation of the ideal society. It is with the elaboration of the political ideas reflected in these early chapters of "Genesis" that this book is concerned.

For the modern reader, the biblical texts should be understood as postulating some basic ideas of Mosaic moral and political philosophy that, in Sicker's view, continue to be applicable in contemporary times. First, man is endowed with free will, however constrained by circumstances it may be, and with the intellect to govern and direct it in appropriate paths. Accordingly, he is individually responsible for his actions and must be held accountable for them. Second, man has a necessary relation to God whether he wishes it or not. Prudence alone will therefore dictate that compliance with divine precept is in man's best interest. Third, the notion that man can create a moral society without reference to God is a deceptive illusion. Man's ability to rationalize even his most outrageous behavior clearly indicates the need for an unimpeachable source and standard of moral authority. Fourth, until all men accept the preceding principles, the idea of a universal state is both dangerous and counterproductive. In the 20th century, we have witnessed two different attempts to create such a world state, both of which produced totalitarian monstrosities. Fifth, individualism as a social philosophy tends to be destructive of traditional values and must be tempered by the idea of communal responsibility. A survey of particular interest to scholars, researchers, and students interested in Jewish history, political thought, and the Old Testament.

This is volume 2 of the set ^English Radicalism (1935-1961). Reissuing the epic undertaking of Dr S. Maccoby, these volumes cover the story of English Radicalism from its origins right through to its questionable end. By Combining new sources with the old and often long forgotten, the volumes provide an impressive history of radicalism and shed light on the course of English political development. The six volumes are arranged chronologically from 1762 through to the perceived end of British Radicalism in the mid-twentieth century.

Growing interest in the ideas of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt have sparked an interest in the thinkers and ideas that influenced him. Chief among those influences stands the 19th-century Spanish and conservative thinker Juan Donoso Cortes (1809-1853). Donoso stands in a unique place in the ideological trajectory of conservative, counter-revolutionary thought that started with the reaction of Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald against the French Revolution and culminated in the rise of fascism in the early twentieth century. As the philosophical successor of de Maistre, Donoso kept de Maistre's ideas on authority and infallibility alive in the midst of the ideological and political controversies and the revolutionary tumult of Europe in the mid-19th century. Donoso's theories on infallibility played a crucial role in the definition of papal infallibility during the First Vatican Council in 1870. His theory on dictatorship changed the focus of continental conservative thought away from emphasizing the restoration of a hierarchically ordered civilization through the restoration of the monarchical ancient regime to the establishment of order and hierarchy by any necessary and effective means. This theory and his critique of parliamentarianism were especially reflected in the Franco regime in Spain and in the political and legal theories of Carl Schmitt.

All the speeches and writings of Cortes that influenced Schmitt are contained in this volume. These major theoretical works appear in English for the first time. Only the Speech on Dictatorship has appeared in English to date. Johnson's Introduction provides extensive commentary on the works and theories developed in them by showing the historical and philosophical context from which they emerged and by pointing out their significance in the development of the counter-revolutionary ideological trajectory leading from de Maistre to fascism. Until now, Donoso has been studied by a small group of mostly conservative and Catholic scholars. This translation makes his ideas more readily available for study by students and scholars of political theory.

Anarchism and the Avant-Garde: Radical Arts and Politics in Perspective contributes to the continuing debate on the encounter of the classical anarchisms (1860s 1940s) and the artistic and literary avant-gardes of the same period, probing its dimensions and limits. Case studies on Dadaism, decadence, fauvism, neo-impressionism, symbolism, and various anarchisms explore the influence anarchism had on the avant-gardes and reflect on avant-garde tendencies within anarchism. This volume also explores the divergence of anarchism and the avant-gardes. It offers a rich examination of politics and arts, and it complements an ongoing discourse with theoretical tools to better assess the aesthetic, social, and political cross-pollination that took place between the avant-gardes and the anarchists in Europe.

The totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century reveal disturbing and uncomfortable facts about human nature, social life, and moral progress. Totalitarianism, ironically, came at a time when the 'spirit of modernity' was in full swing and human potential was supposedly at its peak. Distracted by the wonders of the industrial revolution, few would have guessed the horrors that were just around the corner. Focusing on the historical background to twentieth-century totalitarianism, this book unravels the complexity and mystery behind ideas of domination, leadership, and human development. In doing so, it not only sheds light on the dark side of modern thought but also shows that the foundations of totalitarian ideology existed long before the 'modern age'.Totalitarian thought is best understood by looking at four fundamental myths about race, the crowd, revolutionary violence, and eugenics. This book analyzes each myth in depth by tracing its beginnings and development. It shows how key socio-political thinkers wrote about and interpreted these myths and how they became the basis of many important racial and social theories. Specific attention is given to six controversial nineteenth century thinkers - Maistre, Gobineau, Galton, Le Bon, Vacher and Sorel. Llobera, through detailed analysis of their work, suggests that these so-called 'prophets of doom' with their anti-bourgeois, elitist and anti-progressive leanings, understood the socio-political reality of modern society far more accurately than other highly praised social thinkers of the same period. These key figures provide a crucial insight into totalitarianism by overturning nineteenth-century illusions of progress and laying barethe darker aspects of human nature."The Making of Totalitarian Thought" is an accessible and penetrating overview of a compelling phenomenon. It emphasizes the importance of previously neglected socio-political writing and neatly unpacks sophisticated intellectual ideas. This book will be an indispensable guide for students and will make an important contribution to debates on humankind and society.

What kind of role can the middle class play in potential democratization in such an undemocratic, late developing country as China? To answer this profound political as well as theoretical question, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new middle class to democracy and democratization. Chen's work is based on a unique set of data collected from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of residents in three major Chinese cities, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an-each of which represents a distinct level of economic development in urban China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this data set confirm that (1) compared to other social classes, particularly lower classes, the new Chinese middle class-especially those employed in the state apparatus-tends to be more supportive of the current Party-state but less supportive of democratic values and institutions; (2) the new middle class's attitudes toward democracy may be accounted for by this class's close ideational and institutional ties with the state, and its perceived socioeconomic wellbeing, among other factors; (3) the lack of support for democracy among the middle class tends to cause this social class to act in favor of the current state but in opposition to democratic changes. The most important political implication is that while China's middle class is not likely to serve as the harbinger of democracy now, its current attitudes toward democracy may change in the future. Such a crucial shift in the middle class's orientation toward democracy can take place, especially when its dependence on the Party-state decreases and perception of its own social and economic statuses turns pessimistic. The key theoretical implication from the findings suggests that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the middle class-as a whole and as a part-toward democratic change in late developing countries are contingent upon its relationship with the incumbent state and its perceived social/economic wellbeing, and the middle class's support for democracy in these countries is far from inevitable.

When the United States took control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam following the Spanish-American War, it was unclear to what degree these islands were actually part of the U.S. and, in particular, whether the Constitution applied fully, or even in part, to their citizens. By looking closely at what became known as the Insular Cases, Bartholomew Sparrow reveals how America resolved to govern these territories.

Sparrow follows the Insular Cases from the controversial Downes v. Bidwell in 1901, which concerned tariffs on oranges shipped to New York from Puerto Rico and which introduced the distinction between incorporated and unincorporated territories, to Balzac v. Puerto Rico in 1922, in which the Court decided that Puerto Ricans, although officially U.S. citizens, could be denied trial by jury because Puerto Rico was "unincorporated." There were 35 Insular Cases in all, cases stretching across two decades, cases in which the Court ruled on matters as diverse as tariffs, double jeopardy, and the very meaning of U.S. citizenship as it applied to the inhabitants of the offshore territories. Through such decisions, as Sparrow shows, the Court treated the constitutional status of territorial inhabitants with great variability and decided that the persons of some territories were less equal than those of other territories.

Sparrow traces the fitful evolution of the Court's Incorporation Doctrine in the determination of which constitutional provisions applied to the new territories and its citizens. Providing a new look at the history and politics of U.S. expansion at the turn of the twentieth century, Sparrow's book also examines the effect the Court's decisions had on the creation of an American empire. It highlights crucial features surrounding the cases-the influence of racism on the justices, the need for naval stations to protect new international trade, and dramatic changes in tariff policy. It also tells how the Court sanctioned the emergence of two kinds of American empire: formal territories whose inhabitants could be U.S. citizens but still be denied full political rights, and an informal empire based on trade, cooperative foreign governments, and U.S. military bases rather than on territorial acquisitions.

"The Insular Cases and the Emergence of American Empire" reveals how the United States handled its first major episode of globalization and how the Supreme Court in these cases, crucially redirected the course of American history.

French regionalism has often been associated with the political right. Julian Wright's fresh analysis of regionalist political thought overturns that assumption. Jean Charles-Brun, a teacher and journalist whose eclectic connections have often puzzled historians, takes centre-stage. Through this intellectual biography, Wright unpacks regionalism's broad appeal and helps to explain the important role it plays in modern French politics.

Using as their starting point a 1976 Newsweek cover story on the emerging politicization of evangelical Christians, contributors to this collection engage the scholarly literature on evangelicalism from a variety of angles to offer new answers to persisting questions about the movement. The standard historical narrative describes the period between the 1925 Scopes Trial and the early 1970s as a silent one for evangelicals, and when they did re-engage in the political arena, it was over abortion. Randall J. Stephens and Randall Balmer challenge that narrative. Stephens moves the starting point earlier in the twentieth century, and Balmer concludes that race, not abortion, initially motivated activists. In his examination of the relationship between African Americans and evangelicalism, Dan Wells uses the Newsweek story's sidebar on black activist and born-again Christian Eldridge Cleaver to illuminate the former Black Panther's uneasy association with white evangelicals. Daniel K. Williams, Allison Vander Broek, and J. Brooks Flippen explore the tie between evangelicals and the anti-abortion movement as well as the political ramifications of their anti-abortion stance. The election of 1976 helped to politicize abortion, which both encouraged a realignment of alliances and altered evangelicals' expectations for candidates, developments that continue into the twenty-first century. Also in 1976, Foy Valentine, leader of the Southern Baptist Christian Life Commission, endeavored to distinguish the South's brand of Protestant Christianity from the evangelicalism described by Newsweek. Nevertheless, Southern Baptists quickly became associated with the evangelicalism of the Religious Right and the South's shift to the Republican Party. Jeff Frederick discusses evangelicals' politicization from the 1970s into the twenty-first century, suggesting that southern religiosity has suffered as southern evangelicals surrendered their authenticity and adopted a moral relativism that they criticized in others. R. Ward Holder and Hannah Dick examine political evangelicalism in the wake of Donald Trump's election. Holder lays bare the compromises that many Southern Baptists had to make to justify their support for Trump, who did not share their religious or moral values. Hannah Dick focuses on media coverage of Trump's 2016 campaign and contends that major news outlets misunderstood the relationship between Trump and evangelicals, and between evangelicals and politics in general. The result, she suggests, was that the media severely miscalculated Trump's chances of winning the election.