Hamilton provides an interdisciplinary explication and assessment of Marxism, of Marxist revisionism, and of Leninism, and delineates the major propositions of the three theories. Because the propositions cover a wide range of subjects, including the growth of cities and large factories, the changing quality of work, declining real incomes, economic crises, working-class organizations, and revolutions, Hamilton assesses them from the viewpoints of urban and industrial sociology, economic and political history, and social movements. Hamilton concludes that little empirical support is found for the claims of Marxism and Leninism, while modest support is found for the revisionist claims. Where others texts fail to provide serious reviews of evidence or references to critical studies or to relevant appropriate sources, this book remedies those deficiencies in a brief, clear, and thoroughly documented format.

The 20th century has been dominated by a clash between capitalism and communism or, put differently, between the underlying theories, liberalism and Marxism. Although central to the recent history, these contending theories are poorly understood. To remedy this misunderstanding, the book begins with brief straightforward explications of liberalism, Marxism, and two variants of the latter, revisionism and Leninism. It then moves on to a more detailed examination of each theory, offering an assessment of the propositions from a variety of social science perspectives. Hamilton completes the work with his conclusions regarding the validity and adequacy of these theories.

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin is among the most enigmatic and influential figures of the twentieth century. While his life and work are crucial to any understanding of modern history and the socialist movement, generations of writers on the left and the right have seen fit to embalm him endlessly with superficial analysis or dreary dogma. Now, after the fall of the Soviet Union and "actually-existing" socialism, it is possible to consider Lenin afresh, with sober senses trained on his historical context and how it shaped his theoretical and political contributions. Reconstructing Lenin, four decades in the making and now available in English for the first time, is an attempt to do just that. Tamas Krausz, an esteemed Hungarian scholar writing in the tradition of Gyoergy Lukacs, Ferenc Tokei, and Istvan Meszaros, makes a major contribution to a growing field of contemporary Lenin studies. This rich and penetrating account reveals Lenin busy at the work of revolution, his thought shaped by immediate political events but never straying far from a coherent theoretical perspective. Krausz balances detailed descriptions of Lenin's time and place with lucid explications of his intellectual development, covering a range of topics like war and revolution, dictatorship and democracy, socialism and utopianism.Reconstructing Lenin will change the way you look at a man and a movement; it will also introduce the English-speaking world to a profound radical scholar.

Originally published in 1940, this is an exhaustive biography of the famous socialist philosopher and revolutionary. "The following book represents the first serious attempt to give a full length biography of the most remarkable woman the international socialist movement has ever produced, and at the same time an account of her ideas and an indication of her permanent contribution to socialist thought." Many of the earliest books, particularly those dating back to the 1900s and before, are now extremely scarce and increasingly expensive. Hesperides Press are republishing these classic works in affordable, high quality, modern editions, using the original text and artwork. Contents Include: Youth - The Fate of Poland - In Defence of Marxism - The Problem of Political Power - Full Dress Rehearsal - Rosa Luxemberg In Action - A New Weapon - Capitalism Inevitably Doomed? - The Struggle Against Imperialism - The Consuming Flame - The World War - The Russian Revolution - The German Revolution - The Lamp Lies Shattered

In A Short History of South Africa, Gail Nattrass, historian and educator, presents the reader with a brief, general account of South Africa’s history, from the very beginning to the present day, from the first evidence of hominid existence, early settlement pre-and post-European arrival and the warfare through the 18th and 19th centuries that lead to the eventual establishment of modern South Africa.

This readable and thorough account, illustrated with maps and photographs, is a culmination of a lifetime of researching and teaching the broad spectrum of South African history, collecting stories, taking students on tours around the country, and working with distinguished historians.

Nattrass’s passion for her subject shines through, whether she is elucidating the reader on early humans in the cradle of humankind, or the tumultuous twentieth-century processes that shaped the democracy that is South Africa today. A must for all those interested in South Africa, within the country and abroad.

A study of the clash of two traditions, British liberalism and African nationalism, and an examination of how Michael Blundell in Kenya and Garfield Todd in Zimbabwe used their liberal backgrounds to further the future of their adopted countries, despite threats and detention. Both Blundell and Todd believed that political leaders had a responsibility to serve the needs of the people as a condition of national development. By the time each came to power, European colonization had had a profoundly negative effect on the lives of Africans; Blundell and Todd sought to correct this by putting their positive views of Africans into practice.

While colonial governments designed strategies for controlling Africans to serve political and economic interests at home in Europe, Africans themselves established their own effective strategy, not only to ensure their survival in the colonial setting, but also to initiate a process for the restoration of their sense of self. Michael Blundell and Garfield Todd, with their liberal beliefs, served as excellent allies in this period of a rising African consciousness. Using sources obtained in Kenya and Zimbabwe over the past 15 years, this work examines democratic traditions that have survived tumultuous times in recent years.

European integration has long been a controversial issue in British politics. Whether we should have the Euro and a European Constitution have caused even deeper divides to emerge. This timely and comprehensive book looks at the European policies of the British Left since the end of World War II and provides a clear illustration of the range of debates that have taken place. It also includes interviews with the key players including Tony Benn and Neil Kinnock.

In Rock | Water | Life, Lesley Green examines the interwoven realities of inequality, racism, colonialism, and environmental destruction in South Africa, calling for environmental research and governance to transition to an ecopolitical approach that could address South Africa's history of racial oppression and environmental exploitation.

Green analyses conflicting accounts of nature in environmental sciences that claim neutrality amid ongoing struggles for land restitution and environmental justice.

Offering in-depth studies of environmental conflict in contemporary South Africa, Green addresses the history of contested water access in Cape Town; struggles over natural gas fracking in the Karoo; debates about decolonising science; the potential for a politics of soil in the call for land restitution; urban baboon management, and the consequences of sending sewage to urban oceans.

This text is about the indigenous Nyoongar people of the south-west of Western Australia and their perspectives on racism, which has had a devastating effect on their lives and culture since colonisation; and the multicultural policies that are effective in Australia.
The author, and those Nyoongars interviewed, give valuable insight into Aboriginal lives. Their comments reveal how Nyoongar people survived the colonialism, cultural genocide, the horrendous state government policies under which they were forced to exist, the Stolen Generations of children and the loss of their land, identity, culture, and purpose in their lives. Presently, they are fighting for equality and for recognition as being part of the oldest living culture in the world, that of the Australian Aborigines.

This work deals with the political transition in Spain from authoritarianism to democracy and its impact on business. It addresses the fundamental questions of how business was affected by the transition and how business, in turn, influenced the course of democratization, through collective action, and how it influenced the marketplace through the aggregate of individual business decisions. The work has a strong empirical base. Data was collected from the chief executive officers of 260 Spanish companies and the managing directors of over one hundred affiliates of the top-ranked business association, the Spanish Confederation of Business Organizations (the "CEOE"). The work is particularly timely in light of the transitions occurring in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Unlike many earlier political transitions to more open systems, in Latin America and Southern Europe, the dynamics of economic change concurrent with political change is getting much greater attention in the East European transitions. The East European systems are attempting simultaneous political transitions with movement from command to market economies. Some East Europeans have studied the Spanish experience to garner lessons for their own efforts.

Offering an unparalleled, sweeping survey of the political ideologies that have shaped our world, the seventh edition of Andrew Heywood's seminal undergraduate textbook continues to lead the way in guiding students through the political creeds and doctrines that have dominated politics past and present. Covering an impressive array of topics, the first half of the book focusses on traditional ideologies such as Conservatism, Socialism, Liberalism, Anarchism and Fascism, while more contemporary movements such as Populism, Feminism, Green Ideology, Multiculturalism and Religious Fundamentalism form the latter part of the text. Taking into account the remarkable events that have shaken the political sphere in recent years, the text has been revised and updated throughout in order to show how the study of political ideologies can elucidate the significance of such striking phenomena as the decline of liberal democracy and the rise of populist movements and authoritarianism around the world. The most accessible, concise and yet comprehensive introduction to the topic, this is an indispensable textbook for students studying for courses on political ideologies, political theory and introductory politics. It should be essential reading for anyone seeking to gain an understanding of political ideologies for the first time. New to this Edition: - A brand new chapter on Populism addressing the rise of populist movements across the world and the related decline of liberal democratic values - More on sexualities, queer politics and trans issues in the chapter on Feminism; and a wider range of religions considered in the chapter on Religious Fundamentalism - New Key Thinker boxes featuring a more diverse array of voices - A fully revised concluding chapter on 'Why Political Ideologies Matter' - Updated Political Ideologies in Action boxes reflecting on recent, major political events and their significant for political analysis - A completely refreshed companion website comprising a testbank, PowerPoint slides, flashcard glossary, additional 'Political Ideologies in Action' cases, and interactive simulations Accompanying online resources for this title can be found at bloomsburyonlineresources.com/political-ideologies-7e. These resources are designed to support teaching and learning when using this textbook and are available at no extra cost.

A compelling exploration of one of the most ill-advised and calamitous interventions in colonial development history. As colonial development took off after the Second World War, in the context of national food shortages, Britain's Labour Government initiated the Groundnut Scheme, an extraordinarily ambitious project to convert 3 million acres of bush in Tanganyika into the largest mechanized groundnut farm in the world. It was to prove the largest, most expensive and most disastrous development scheme ever undertaken by the British Government. Never previously analysed in depth, the author draws on a wide range of sources to discuss the political dynamics that drove the Groundnut Scheme forward, despite the gravest doubts of agriculturalists and economists, why it went wrong, and what its impact has been since on the practice of economic development. Initially employing the United Africa Company as agent, the government set up an Overseas Food Corporation to manage the Groundnut Scheme as an example of socialist development in Africa. Army surplus kit and demobbed soldiers poured into the country and were sent up the railway line to Kongwa to beat the bush. By the time the effort was abandoned in 1950, costs had risen to a colossal 36 million - equivalent to over 1 billion today - and yet almost no groundnuts had been exported. The prototype of many large-scale, government-run, high-cost development projects that failed to deliver, the Groundnut Scheme was perhaps the first major failure of agricultural development in Africa, and its legacy in development practice still with us today.

This book is the first comprehensive examination of the close relationship that obtained between leading groups of British socialists and American progressives in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Employing new methods of conceptual and institutional analysis, and drawing on extensive original archival research, the book examines the efforts of leading political theorists to transform the initially distinctive theories of the British and American lefts into a single unified ideology. In so doing it challenges traditional narratives emphasising the exceptional development the American and British lefts, and argues instead that the central theoretical and practical commitments of both movements were constantly shaped and reshaped by international ideological exchange.

The "Encyclopedia of Political Anarchy" charts history's most misunderstood social movement. Covering political anarchy worldwide for the past 300 years, the book also examines the ancient roots of the movement, spotlights key individuals, and explores important groups, organizations, events, laws, legal cases, and theories.

More than just a reference source, "Encyclopedia of Political Anarchy" also tells the interesting story of sophisticated and complex social and philosophical forces that left their mark on the world--from the 13th century Free Spirit movement against the oppressive power of the church in France to the present-day Zapatista National Liberation Army in Mexico.

Critical analysis of what we know - and do not know - about women in the Arab region is needed to support social change. But how is knowledge on women and gender produced in the region? How does this change when it is undertaken by Arab women researchers? Through a critical examination of local fieldwork experiences, the contributors of the volume - who are Arab women researchers themselves - answer these questions. The book examines the specific structural conditions that shape people's lives in the Arab region, from the effects of imperialism, settler colonialism and the neo-liberalization of economies, to racial capitalism, securitization, and embedded patriarchal ideologies and structures. The authors assess the implications of these different dynamics on undertaking research and also examine their own daily lives, the lives of their interlocutors, and the practices of their field. In doing so, they are able to escape hegemonic approaches and frameworks to the study of gender and to instead theorize from the local context to produce knowledge as they see it. This 'engaged gender research' challenges dominant discourses in academia, rejects the presumptions of 'Arab exceptionalism', and challenges liberal feminisms. It devises a new way of undertaking research on gender in the region to lay the foundation for a more just tomorrow. Covering Morocco, Tunisia, Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Iraq and the Arab Gulf, the book argues that an engaged gender research - which is feminist and critically analyses the historical, political, economic and social contexts of the research topic first - will transform how we understand women and gender, and the Arab World.

The Egalitarian Conscience pays tribute to the highly influential work of Professor G. A. Cohen. Professor Cohen is a philosopher of international stature and tremendous achievement, who has been vital to the flourishing of egalitarian political philosophy. He has a significant body of work spanning issues of Marxism and distributive justice, consistently characterized by original ideas and ingenious arguments. The high standard of rigour he sets for progressive thinkers, particularly himself, has been a source of inspiration for colleagues and students alike. The volume honours Professor Cohen with first-rate essays on a number of significant and fascinating topics, reflecting the wide-ranging themes of Professor Cohen's work, but united in their concern for questions of social justice, pluralism, equality, and moral duty. The contributors are scholars of international stature: Joshua Cohen, Jon Elster, Susan Hurley, Will Kymlicka, Derek Parfit, John Roemer, T. M. Scanlon, Samuel Scheffler, Hillel Steiner, and Jeremy Waldron. There is an afterword by G. A. Cohen.

"Carefully crafted. unusual, and interesting...in addition to the account of Albanian diplomacy in the early 1990s, "The Myth of Greater Albania" provides particularly perceptive reports on Kosovo politics during the same period, as well on the origins and development of armed Albanian groups. A talented author, Kola has provided a valuable addition to the literature on nationalism and the Balkans."--"Slavic Review"

"A comprehensive, complex, and coherent narrative history of the Albanian-inhabited lands of today's Kosovo and Albania from ancient times until today."
--Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, University of London

"An interesting, in-depth, descriptive survey of the Albanian nation."
--"Choice"

"Kola has contributed an interesting, in-depth, descriptive survey of the Albanian nation."
--"Choice"

When Kosovar Albanians came to Albania after the fall of Communism, they were surprised to find an impoverished motherland whose people were consumed with questions of basic survival. Albania's citizens, for their part, were dumbstruck by the relatively opulent lifestyles of the Kosovars. Yet despite their profound differences, the myth of a "Greater Albania" persists.

In this timely book, Paulin Kola challenges this myth, arguing that there is not widespread support for a "Greater Albania" among the Albanian-speaking peoples. He shows that Albanians do not wish to join a single, politically recognized entity and demonstrates how the Albanians are marked by ideological, religious, and other divisions.

While a "Greater Kosovo" remains a remote possibility, there is little chance of the Albanians of either Albania or the diaspora supporting moves to dissolve thepresent international borders in pursuit of an "Albanian homeland." Albanians appear content to retain their discrete political entities, while traveling and trading freely. Accessible and urgent, this book effectively puts to rest the cherished myths of Albanian nationalism.

View the Table of Contents.
Read the Foreword.

"This thoughtful book will appeal to readers across the political spectrum."
--"Harvard Law Review"

"An invaluable source . . . for anyone interested in navigating the judiciary's politics."
--"National Journal"

"The Myth of the Imperial Judiciary makes a formidable argument that conservatives indeed have an unrealistic conception of the Supreme Court."
--"Austin American Statesman"

"Kozlowski marshals history to show that not only was a strong and active judiciary intended by the Founding Fathers, but also that it has served the nation extremely well."
--"Chicago Sun-Times"

"Kozlowski effectively demonstrates that courts have far less power to operate as free agents than many believe."
--"Law and Politics Book Review"

"Kozlowski marshals history to show that not only was a strong and active judiciary intended by the Founding Fathers, it has served the nation extremely well. . . . A fine piece of scholarship."
--"Washington Post"

"How many minds his book will change on a subject so charged with emotion remainds dubious, but the points Mr. Kozlowski makes so expertly cannot in fairness be ignored."
--"New York Law Journal"

Few institutions have become as ferociously fought over in democratic politics as the courts. While political criticism of judges in this country goes back to its inception, today's intensely ideological assault is nearly unprecedented.

Spend any amount of time among the writings of contemporary right-wing critics of judicial power, and you are virtually assured of seeing repeated complaints about the "imperial judiciary." American conservatives contend not onlythat judicial power has expanded dangerously in recent decades, but that liberal judges now willfully write their policy preferences into law. They raise alarms that American courts possess a degree of power incompatible with the functioning of a democratic polity.

The Myth of the Imperial Judiciary explores the anti-judicial ideological trend of the American right, refuting these claims and taking a realistic look at the role of courts in our democracy to show that conservatives have a highly "unrealistic" conception of their power. Kozlowski first assesses the validity of the conservative view of the Founders' intent, arguing that courts have played an assertive role in our politics since their establishment. He then considers contemporary judicial powers to show that conservatives have greatly overstated the extent to which the expansion of rights which has occurred has worked solely to the benefit of liberals.

Kozlowski reveals the ways in which the claims of those on the right are often either unsupported or simply wrong. He concludes that American courts, far from imperiling our democracy or our moral fabric, stand as a bulwark against the abuse of legislative power, acting forcefully, as they have always done, to give meaning to constitutional promises.

This much needed perspective represents a first step in the exploration of a long-ignored dimension of Marxist thought. Contributors, both Marxist and non-Marxist, from various countries reflect on such concerns as: the spiritual implications of Marxism and its critiques of economic determinism, alienation, and religion; what Marxism has to say to the more urgent spiritual issues of our time; and legacy of Marxism in a post-Soviet world.

Spirituality here refers less to religion than to questions of moral and esthetic value; issues of freedom, creativity, transcendence, and community; the meaning of life and of the struggle to create a better world. This book begins with a brief section from Trotsky and Che Guevara, and Vivian Gornick's work on American Communism, and with overviews of questions of spirituality in pre- and early Soviet Russian thought and in Western Marxism. It then presents the views of several contemporary Marxists, and concludes with contributions on spiritual issues in MarxisM's dialogues with Christianity in both East Europe and Latin America, and with Buddhism.

In this latest demystification of American political life, Thomas Frank shows that populism, far from being the problem of our time, is the cure for what ails us. Tracing the history of this mass democratic movement through the titanic social struggles of the last century, he reveals a force for enlightenment and liberation - indeed, the foundation of American democracy itself, of its promise of a decent life for all. No less important, Frank dissects the purpose of the elite groups that have opposed populism over the decades - the ones who say "the people, no." Following the arc of anti-populism from the frantic days of the 1890s to just last week, Frank describes how its proponents have repeatedly cast hopeful democratic movements in the same harsh light, demonising them with the same fears, defaming them with the same insults. In a claim that is sure to be controversial, Frank shows how anti-populism has actually changed sides, shifting from a doctrine of conservative wealth in the 1890s to the faith of the liberal elite today. Rarely does a work of history contain startling implications for the present, but in The People, No Frank pulls off that explosive effect by showing us that everything we think we know about populism is wrong. The People, No sounds a cautionary note for our time, a warning against the pundits who tell us to fear the plain people, to keep to the path of centrist complacency, to let the experts handle our lives and our future.

How do various worldviews, praxis orientations, and preferred future visions differ between the three major subcultures within the American Green Movement? Drawing on his experience as an activist, Kenn Kassman explains the distinctions between the three elements, which he terms Neo-Primitivism, Mystical Deep Ecology, and Social Ecology. What emerges is a perceptive analysis of one of the most important of North America's new social movements: the Greens. Kassman examines and contradistinguishes the approach of each element in the movement to the general Green agenda--ecological harmony, social justice, societal participation, and nonviolence--and goes on to explore potential weaknesses in the utopias they seek. The study concludes with the author's considered view of the likely progress and development of the three components in the future. He asks and suggests an answer to the question: what, ultimately, will be regarded as the political and social significance of the Green movement? Kassman's work will be of interest to scholars, students, and activists in politics and environmental studies.

This literary, cultural history examines imperial Russian tourism's entanglement in the vexed issue of cosmopolitanism understood as receptiveness to the foreign and pitted against provinciality and nationalist anxiety about the allure and the influence of Western Europe. The study maps the shift from Enlightenment cosmopolitanism to Byronic cosmopolitanism with special attention to the art pilgrimage abroad. For typically middle-class Russians daunted by the cultural riches of the West, vacationing in the North Caucasus, Georgia, and the Crimea afforded the compensatory opportunity to play colonizer kings and queens in "Asia." Drawing on Anna Karenina and other literary classics, travel writing, journalism, and guidebooks, the investigation engages with current debates in cosmopolitan studies, including the fuzzy paradigm of "colonial cosmopolitanism.

In the 1970s, mainly in response to Roe v. Wade, evangelicals and conservative Catholics put aside their longstanding historical prejudices and theological differences and joined forces to form a potent political movement that swept across the country-or so conventional wisdom would have us think. In this provocative book, Neil J. Young argues that most of this widely accepted story of the creation of the Religious Right is not true. We Gather Together examines evangelicals, Catholics, and Mormons (who are usually ignored in the story) in the early days of the religious right and paints a much different picture. Tracing the interactions among these three groups from the 1950s to the present day, Young shows that the emergence of the Religious Right was not a brilliant political strategy of compromise and coalition-building hatched on the eve of a history-altering election. Rather, it was the latest iteration of a much-longer religious debate that had been going on for decades in reaction to the building of a mainline Protestant consensus. This "restructuring" of interfaith relations took place alongside American political developments of the time, and evangelicals, Catholics, and Mormons found common cause and pursued similar ends in debates about abortion, school prayer, the Equal Rights Amendment, and tax exemptions for religious schools. They did so together at times but more often separately, and it is the latter part that historians have all but ignored. While these social and political issues were the objects of their displeasure, they weren't its source; far from setting aside their divisions to create a unified movement, cracks in the alliance shaped the movement from the very beginning. This provocative book will reshape our understanding of the most important religious and political movement of the last 30 years.