The second of two important books by Louis Leakey, the renowned expert on the Kikuyu tribe. This book examines the organisation of the Mau Mau movement, its propaganda, the nature of its religious aspects and its oaths and the mistakes its leaders made as well as covering chapters on necessary reforms to prevent further outbreaks of a similar nature.

Immigration in American History is a concise examination of the experiences of immigrants from the founding of the British colonies through the present day. The most recent scholarship on immigration is integrated into an accessible narrative that embraces the multicultural nature of U.S. immigration history, keeping issues of race and power at the center of the book. Organized chronologically, this book highlights how the migration experience evolved over time and examines the interactions that occurred between different groups of migrants and the native-born. From the first interactions between the Native Americans and English colonizers at Jamestown, to the present-day debates over unauthorized immigration, the book helps students chart the evolution of American attitudes towards immigration and immigration policies and better contextualize present-day debates over immigration. The voices of immigrants are brought to the forefront in a poignant selection of primary source documents, and a glossary and "who's who" provide students with additional context for the people and concepts featured in the text. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of American immigration history and immigration policy history.

Examining the intersection of Palestine solidarity movements and antiracist activism in France from the 1970s to the present   For the pasty fifty years, the Palestinian question has served as a rallying cry in the struggle for migrant rights in postcolonial France, from the immigrant labor associations of the 1970s and Beur movements of the 1980s to the militant decolonial groups of the 2000s. In Natives against Nativism, Olivia C. Harrison explores the intersection of anticolonial solidarity and antiracist activism from the 1970s to the present. Natives against Nativism analyzes a wide range of texts—novels, memoirs, plays, films, and militant archives—that mobilize the twin figures of the Palestinian and the American Indian in a crossed critique of Eurocolonial modernity. Harrison argues that anticolonial solidarity with Palestinians and Indigenous Americans has been instrumental in developing a sophisticated critique of racism across imperial formations—in this case, France, the United States, and Israel. Serving as the first relational study of antiracism in France, Natives against Nativism observes how claims to indigeneity have been deployed in multiple directions, both in the ongoing struggle for migrant rights and racial justice, and in white nativist claims in France today.

Drawing upon systematic research using Q methodology in seven countries - Denmark, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, Netherlands and Sweden - this volume presents results of the most extensive effort yet at cross-cultural, subjective assessment of national and supranational identity. The studies explain how the European Union, as the most visible experiment in mass national identity change in the contemporary world, influences how Europeans think about their political affiliations.
The particular strength of Q methodology is its capacity to delve deeper into subjective opinion with regard to a political topic than can be done with large-scale surveys - a great advantage in dealing with a topic of such complexity as identity. Q offers a unique bridge of qualitative and quantitative approaches and a powerful tool to illuminate identity types that exist in society. Besides the ground-breaking use of subjective methodology, the multinational character of this project is unique as well: providing the first cross-cultural study of national identity in Europe. Finally, this represents one of the largest surveys ever done on subjective impressions of European political affiliations.
This book reveals that identity is undergoing considerable change in Europe. As the first book to provide an in-depth, methodologically focused, cross-cultural study of subjective notions of national versus supranational identity in Europe, it will be of great interest to students and researchers in politics and sociology and social psychology.

James William Newland's (1810-1857) career as a showman daguerreotypist began in the United States but expanded into Central and South America, across the Pacific to New Zealand and colonial Australia and onto India. Newland used the latest developments in photography, theatre and spectacle to create powerful new visual experiences for audiences in each of these volatile colonial societies. This book assesses his surviving, vivid portraits against other visual ephemera and archival records of his time. Newland's magic lantern and theatre shows are imaginatively reconstructed from textual sources and analysed, with his short, rich career casting a new light on the complex worlds of the mid-nineteenth century. It provides a revealing case study of someone brokering new experiences with optical technologies for varied audiences at the forefront of the age of modern vision. This book will be of interest to scholars in art and visual culture, photography, the history of photography and Victorian history.

Updated for Obama's last year in office, the liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press reflects on how the Obama administration has failed and disillusioned the American left. The bestselling liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press turns a critical eye on Barack Obama and assesses why his performance as president on issues liberals care deeply about has failed the American left. Press argues efficiently that Obama may have drawn the wrong lessons from the enthusiastic crowds that swarmed around him on the campaign trail in 2008--instead of seeing the potential and desire for a stronger progressivism, Obama tried to rise above and unite the parties. The tragedy of the Obama presidency is that, by trying to be the first "post-partisan" president, he ended up being one of the weakest. On issues as far ranging as gun safety to health care to foreign policy, Obama has let voters down by simply not doing enough or taking the wrong actions. As Press describes it, liberals began the Obama presidency with high hopes, and they now near its end with deep disappointment and a sense of buyer's remorse.

The period between 1880 and 1914, the subject of this volume, sees increasing questioning of free trade, especially in those sectors impacted adversely by foreign competition, and within political circles, where the notion of protecting native industries shifted from an agricultural to an industrial base. There was a greater willingness, especially in the Conservative party, to consider it as a viable policy. The ‘constituencies’ or interest groups created by free trade however defended it fiercely among the Liberal party and in manufacturing industries, primarily those highly dependent on export markets. Debates on commercial policy in this period had another dimension which had been subsidiary in earlier periods—the colonial empire and the economic, political, and cultural ties with it promoted. The period between 1880 and 1914 was one where the language of empire was at its height and the economic relationship between the Mother Country and the colonies entered political debate in a forceful way. The sources include several petitions from parliamentary papers attacking the system of commercial treaties pursued by the British government. Towards this end, extracts from the journal Fair Trade, and a body of newspaper material detailing extra-parliamentary movements against free trade, from the Leeds Mercury, Glasgow Herald, Pall Mall Gazette, and Daily Mail, are also included. Making the transition to the early twentieth century and the rise of the labour movement, printed sources such as Fabian tracts on tariff reform, as well as material from the International Free Trade Congress, are incorporated.

This volume takes up the story of exacerbated political divisions from 1841 onwards, with a clearer demarcation in political life caused at least partly by commercial policy considerations. Ultimately, the success of free trade policies, implemented by Sir Robert Peel after 1841, saw the reconfiguration of political parties and had lasting effects and impact on party politics. Yet in the period up to 1879, there was a broad consensus on maintaining the free trade settlement of 1846. This period, often seen as a ‘free trade interlude’ book-ended by a far more complex range of opinions, policies, and strategies surrounding commercial policy, was characterised by British manufacturing expansion, deeper penetration of foreign and colonial markets, and the adoption of freer trade policies by foreign nations. Ultimately, none of these developments lasted in the long term. By the end of 1879, commercial policy was again controversial. The type of sources in this volume include correspondence from The Panmure Papers, the Later Correspondence of Lord John Russell, and diary material from Lord Ashley and John Bright. There is also a considerable body of material from newspapers, including the Morning Chronicle, Northern Star, Manchester Guardian, and Liverpool Mercury. Manuscript materials from Richard Cobden, John Benjamin Smith, and Lord John Russell among others are also present.

This volume explores the period between Smith’s 1776 The Wealth of Nations and ends in the early days of the Anti-Corn Law League campaign on the eve of the 1841 General Election, which prominently featured contrasting commercial policy options between Conservative and Liberal parties. During this period, we witness the growth of free trade sentiment, with opposition to monopolies like the old Chartered Companies, and attempts to create more liberal bilateral commercial treaties. Most importantly, we see the imposition of the protectionist Corn Laws in 1815 at the behest of a Parliament largely based on the landed interest. Between 1815 and 1846, the Corn Laws become the fulcrum of the entire debate on commercial policy, the ‘keystone in the arch’ of the protective system, and slowly, divisions begin to emerge throughout society and between the political parties, culminating in the formation of the Anti-Corn Law League and their attempt to influence politics via ‘pressure from without’. The sources include printed matter such as the diaries of Lord Colchester; various parliamentary papers on commercial policy; printed correspondence of William Pitt, Lord Melbourne, Joseph Sturge; periodical literature from numerous sources such as the Eclectic Review, and The Oriental Herald. Also included is a considerable body of newspaper material from the Manchester Times, Dundee Advertiser, and The Chartist, reflective of the growing importance of the provinces and manufacturing interests in commercial, and local and national politics.

This book argues that principles are only a limited guide to dissent in unique, contingent circumstances. There are times when we need to accommodate the dreadfulness of loss for opponents, even when the cause for which they fight is unjust. We may also have to come to terms with the irreversibility of historic injustice and reconcile.

In this book, John Ehrenberg argues that Donald Trump, as both candidate and president, represents a qualitatively new stage in the evolution of the Republican Party's willingness to exploit American racial tensions. Works on Trump's use of race have tended to be fragmentary or subsidiary to a larger purpose. Ehrenberg concentrates his investigation on Trump's weaponized use of race, contextualized through historical and theoretical details, demonstrating that while Trump draws on previous Republican strategies, he stands apart through his explicit intention to convert the Republican Party into a political instrument of a threatened racial order. The book traces the Grand Old Party's (GOP) approach to racial matters from Goldwater's "constitutional" objection to federal activity in the South to George W. Bush's overtures to Black citizens. Ehrenberg examines the role of racial animus in prying loose a significant portion of the Democratic Party's electoral coalition and making possible Trump's overt flirtation with white nationalism. He concludes that the Republican Party will find it difficult to jettison its 50-year history of embracing and amplifying white racial animus and resentment. White Nationalism and the Republican Party will be of interest to academics and students of American politics, voting behavior, American party politics, race and American politics, twentieth-century American history, political leadership, politics of inequality, race and public policy.

This four-volume collection combines the historical with the conceptual, providing a guide to the main themes that have structured socialist thought and practice over the last two hundred years. The set also examines contemporary socialism.
A detailed index and new introduction makes this set an invaluable reference tool for students and researchers of politics.

From Labour's promise to be 'tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime' through to the White Paper and new criminal justice legislation, controlling crime and reforming the criminal justice system has been one of the government's key priorities. This book provides a detailed review of the thinking behind these new plans and legislation, looking at policies and proposals in the field of punishment, particularly those embodied in the Halliday Review of the Sentencing Framework (2001), the government White Paper Justice for All (2002), and the 2002 Criminal Justice Bill. The contributors to the book subject to scrutiny the evidence for the 'evidence-based policy making' that is often claimed as a distinctive new feature to these processes, examining approaches to drug-dependent offenders, dangerous sex offenders, nuisance offenders, procedural and evidential protections in the courts, sentencing guidelines, sentencing management, racism in sentencing, custody plus, custody minus, and reducing the prison population.

This volume examines the critical factors and processes by which the Provisional Irish Republican movement campaign from 1969 to 1998 transformed a once acquiescent nationalist population in Northern Ireland into a counterpublic of resistance demanding national self-determination and social justice. Considering the establishment of Irish Republican community institutions, prison protests, Republican Feminism, and Provisional IRA media and communications, this volume explores the emergence of Republicanism as a mass social movement in the nationalist Catholic ghettos and rural regions of Northern Ireland in the 1970s - a development that helped to sustain the armed struggle of the Provisional Irish Republican Army for three decades. An examination of the emergence and transformative power of the counterpublic discourse and action of the Irish Republican movement, this volume provides a framework for conceptualizing counterpublics in social movement studies. As such it will appeal to scholars of sociology, history, and politics with interests in social movements and mobilization.

The deadliest animal of all time meets the world's most legendary hunter in a classic battle between man and wild. But this pulse-pounding narrative is also a nuanced story of how colonialism and environmental destruction upset the natural order, placing man, tiger and nature on a collision course. In Champawat, India, circa 1900, a Bengal tigress was wounded by a poacher in the forests of the Himalayan foothills. Unable to hunt her usual prey, the tiger began stalking and eating an easier food source: human beings. Between 1900 and 1907, the Champawat Man-Eater, as she became known, emerged as the most prolific serial killer of human beings the world has ever known, claiming an astonishing 436 lives. Desperate for help, authorities appealed to renowned local hunter Jim Corbett, an Indian-born Brit of Irish descent, who was intimately familiar with the Champawat forest. Corbett, who would later earn fame and devote the latter part of his life to saving the Bengal tiger and its habitat, sprang into action. Like a detective on the tail of a serial killer, he tracked the tiger's movements, as the tiger began to hunt him in return. This was the beginning of Corbett's life-long love of tigers, though his first encounter with the Champawat Tiger would be her last.

Contents:
Abstracts
List of Maps
Notes of Transliteration, Spellings and Names
Glossary
List of Abbreviations
Acknowledgements
1. Introduction
2. Theoretical Fields
3. Geosophy, Geopiety, and Topophilia
4. Nostalgia, Myths and Landscape
5. The Map as Discourse
6. Historical Geography
7. Methodology

This book tells the fascinating story of the reemergence of the American political left over the last quarter century in the form of the new Progressive Movement. Born out of Liberalism's crushing defeats at the hands of conservative strategists of the Reagan/Bush era, this new movement has cleverly reverse engineered the conservative's institutional networking strategy to plan and finance its resurgence. Progressive strategists have constructed an elaborate network of foundations, advocacy groups, and other institutions to advance their agenda. But where the conservatives relied on affirmative corporate support to help power their movement, the Progressive Left has used an anti-corporate strategy whose purpose is three-fold: 1. To reclaim the moral high ground of politics by challenging corporate power and influence. 2. To gain effective control over "other people's money" (e.g., pension funds, mutual funds) and use it to press for changes in corporate social policies. 3. To leverage this influence over corporate decision-making to change the direction of American politics and public policy. Biz War extends the argument of Manheim's 2001 book, The Death of A Thousand Cuts, by showing how anti-corporate campaigns have evolved from economically-oriented labor actions to ideological and programmatic political struggles. It details how the strategies and tactics crafted by organized labor are being employed with increasing effect by the political left. The book will be of interest to students of contemporary American politics, strategic communication, political movements, and business management. Likewise it will help corporate executives and financial analysts understand more fully the proxy wars and other attacks against their companies.

This book examines the uses made of anthropology by Marx and Engels, and the uses made of Marxism by anthropologists. Looking at the writings of Marx and Engels on primitive societies, the book evaluates their views in the light of present knowledge and draws attention to inconsistencies in their analysis of pre-capitalist societies. These inconsistencies can be traced to the influence of contemporary anthropologists who regarded primitive societies as classless. As Marxist theory was built around the idea of class, without this concept the conventional Marxist analysis foundered. First published in 1983.

Reflecting the first evaluation among British and American anthropologists of the relevance of Marxist theory for their discipline, the studies in this volume cover a wide geographical and social spectrum ranging from rural Indonesia, Imperial China, Highland Burma and the Abron kingdom of Gyaman. A critical survey assesses the value of some key ideas of Marx and Engels to social anthropology and places in historical perspective the changing attitudes of social anthropologists to the Marxist tradition. Originally published in 1975.

This book evaluates the historical factors that produced the Boer people, and the political, religious and economic forces that maintain modern Afrikaner Nationalism. This last trek brings the Afrikaner back into multi-racial integrating industrial society. Originally published in 1957.

Private papers, diaries and memoirs, as well as official government and Foreign Office records are used within this book to produce a detailed critical analysis of the attitudes of the British political elite towards the Soviet Union, which assesses the influence such attitudes had upon British foreign policy between May 1937 and August 1939.

Hitler's seizure of power in January 1933, in the eyes of some historians, was the culmination of an unstoppable march. Yet the final months of the Weimar Republic saw the Nazis sliding into ever deeper trouble. In particular, the Sturmabteilung or SA - activist heart of the Nazi movement was showing signs of breakage. The stormtroopers who filled its ranks increasingly angered with party leadership, swerved from the party agenda, and fell to dispute and violence at odds with Hitler's cultivated image as herald of a new order. Stormtroopers and Crisis in the Nazi Movement casts fresh light on the crisis that beset Nazism during the final months of Germany's first republic. The book scrutinizes two sets of hitherto understudied records. SA morale reports in the US National Archive show what Nazi leaders themselves knew about their radical paramilitary wing. Police reports on the stormtroopers, from the former DDR state archive in Potsdam, show what Republican authorities knew. This book should be of interest to advanced students and researchers of Modern European History, Modern German History and Nazism.

This book analyses the institution and concept of dictatorship from a legal, historical and theoretical perspective, examining the different types of dictatorship, their relationship to the law, as well as the analytical value of the concept in contemporary world. In particular, it seeks to codify the main theories and conceptions of 'dictatorship', with the goal of unearthing their contradictions. The book's main premise is that the concept of dictatorship and the different types of the dictatorial form have to be assessed and can only be understood in their historical context. On this basis, the elaborations on dictatorship of such diverse thinkers as Carl Schmitt, Donoso Cortes, Karl Marx, Ernst Fraenkel, Franz Neumann, Nicos Poulantzas, and V. I. Lenin, are discussed in their historical context: 'classical and Caesaristic dictatorship' in ancient Rome, 'dictatorship' in revolutionary France of 1789 and counterrevolutionary France of 1848, 'fascist dictatorship' in Nazi Germany, and 'dictatorship of the proletariat' in Russia of 1917. The book contributes to the theory of dictatorship as it outlines the contradictions of the different typologies of the dictatorial form and seeks to explain them on the basis of the concept of 'class dictatorship'. The book's original claim is that the dictatorial form, as a modality of class rule that relies predominantly on violence and repression, has been essential to the reproduction of bourgeois rule and, consequently, of capitalist social relations. This function has given rise to different types and conceptualisations of dictatorship depending on the level of capitalist development. This book is addressed to anyone with an interest in law, political theory, political history and sociology. It can serve as core text for courses that seek to introduce students to the institution or theory of dictatorship. It may also serve as a reference text for post-graduate programs in law and politics, because of its interdisciplinary and critical approach.

One of only two English language books on the Romanian fascists who have since proved inspirational to generations of far-right militants. Also makes an important contribution to debates around the nature of fascism.

In the past two decades, Marxism has enjoyed a revitalization as a research program and a growth in its audience. This renaissance is connected to the revival of anti-capitalist contestation since the Seattle protests in 1999 and the impact of the global economic and financial crisis in 2007-8. It intersects with the emergence of Post-Marxism since the 1980s represented by thinkers such as Jurgen Habermas, Chantal Mouffe, Ranajit Guha and Alain Badiou. This handbook explores the development of Marxism and Post-Marxism, setting them in dialogue against a truly global backdrop. Transcending the disciplinary boundaries between philosophy, economics, politics and history, an international range of expert contributors guide the reader through the main varieties and preoccupations of Marxism and Post-Marxism. Through a series of framing and illustrative essays, readers will explore these traditions, starting from Marx and Engels themselves, through the thinkers of the Second and Third Internationals (Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin and Trotsky, among others), the Tricontinental, and Subaltern and Post-Colonial Studies, to more contemporary figures such as Huey Newton, Fredric Jameson, Judith Butler, Immanuel Wallerstein and Samir Amin. The Routledge Handbook of Marxism and Post-Marxism will be of interest to scholars and researchers of philosophy, cultural studies and theory, sociology, political economics and several areas of political science, including political theory, Marxism, political ideologies and critical theory.