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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes
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Investigating the 2016 EU Referendum in the UK, The Language of
Brexit explores the ways in which 'Brexit' campaigners utilised
language more persuasively than their 'Remain' counterparts.
Drawing parallels with effective political discourse used
worldwide, this book highlights the linguistic features of an
increasingly popular style of political campaigning. Concentrating
on the highly successful and emotive linguistic strategies employed
by the Brexit campaigners against the comparatively lacklustre
Remain camp, Buckledee makes a case for the contribution of
language towards the narrow 52-48% Brexit victory. Using primary
examples, what emerges is how urging people to have the courage to
make a bid for freedom naturally invokes more grandiloquent
language, powerful metaphors and rousing partisan tone than a
campaign which, on balance, argues that it's best to simply stick
with the status quo. Examining the huge amount of discourse
generated before, during and since the June 2016 EU Referendum, The
Language of Brexit looks into the role language played in the
democratic process and the influence and impact it had on electors,
leading to an unexpected result and uncertain future.
Focusing on the information economy, free trade exploitation, and
confronting terrorist violence, Mark Findlay critiques law's
regulatory commodification. Conventional legal regulatory modes
such as theft and intellectual property are being challenged by
waves of property access and use, which demand the rethinking of
property 'rights' and their relationships with the law. Law's
Regulatory Relevance? theorises how the law should reposition
itself in order to help rather than hinder new pathways of market
power, by confronting the dominant neo-liberal economic model that
values property through scarcity. With in-depth analysis of
empirical case studies, the author explores how law is returning to
its communal utility in strengthening social ties, which will in
turn restore property as social relations rather than market
commodities. In a world of contested narratives about property
valuing, law needs to ground its inherent regulatory relevance in
the ordering of social change. This book is an essential read for
students of law and regulation wanting to explore the contemporary
dissent against neo-liberal market economies and the issues of
communitarian governance and social resistance. It will also appeal
to policy makers interested in law's failing regulatory capacity,
particularly through criminalising attacks on conventional property
rights, by offering insights into why law's regulatory relevance is
at a cross-roads.
Gough Whitlam, Australia's twenty-first prime minister, swept to
power in December 1972, ending twenty-three years of conservative
rule. In barely three years Whitlam's dramatic reform agenda would
transform Australia. It was an ascendancy bitterly resented by
some, never accepted by others, and ended with dismissal by the
Governor-General just three years latera "an outcome that polarised
debate and left many believing the full story had not been told. In
this much-anticipated second volume of her biography of Gough
Whitlam, Jenny Hocking has used previously unearthed archival
material and extensive interviews with Gough Whitlam, his family,
colleagues and foes, to bring the key players in these dramatic
events to life. The identity of the mysterious 'third man', who
counselled the Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, in his decision to
sack the twice-elected Whitlam government and appoint Malcolm
Fraser as prime minister is confirmed here by Kerr himself, as the
High Court justice Sir Anthony Mason, and the full story of his
involvement is now revealed for the first time. From Kerr's private
papers Hocking details months of secret meetings and conversations
between Kerr and Mason in the lead-up to the dismissal, that had
remained hidden for over thirty-seven years. In response to these
revelations Sir Anthony Mason released an extensive public
statement, acknowledging his role and disclosing additional
information that is fully explored in this new edition. This
definitive biography takes us behind the political intrigue to
reveal a devastated Whitlam and his personal struggle in the
aftermath of the dismissal, the unfulfilled years that followed and
his eventual political renewal as Australia's ambassador to UNESCO.
It also tells, through the highs and the lows of his decades of
public life, how Whitlam depended absolutely on the steadfast
support of the love of his life, his wife, Margaret. For this is
also the story of a remarkable marriage and an enduring
partnership. The truth of this tumultuous period in Australia's
history is finally revealed in Gough Whitlam: His Time
The Sykes-Picot Agreement was one of the defining moments in the
history of the modern Middle East. Yet its co-creator, Sir Mark
Sykes, had far more involvement in British Middle East strategy
during World War I than the Agreement for which he is now most
remembered. Between 1915 and 1916, Sykes was Lord Kitchener's agent
at home and abroad, operating out of the War Office until the war
secretary's death at sea in 1916. Following that, from 1916 to 1919
he worked at the Imperial War Cabinet, the War Cabinet Secretariat
and, finally, as an advisor to the Foreign Office. The full extent
of Sykes's work and influence has previously not been told.
Moreover, the general impression given of him is at variance with
the facts. Sykes led the negotiations with the Zionist leadership
in the formulation of the Balfour Declaration, which he helped to
write, and promoted their cause to achieve what he sought for a
pro-British post-war Middle East peace settlement, although he was
not himself a Zionist. Likewise, despite claims he championed the
Arab cause, there is little proof of this other than general
rhetoric mainly for public consumption. On the contrary, there is
much evidence he routinely exhibited a complete lack of empathy
with the Arabs. In this book, Michael Berdine examines the life of
this impulsive and headstrong young British aristocrat who helped
formulate many of Britain's policies in the Middle East that are
responsible for much of the instability that has affected the
region ever since.
Ten leading scholars and practitioners of politics, political
science, anthropology, Israel studies, and Middle East affairs
address the theme of continuity and change in political culture as
a tribute to Professor Myron (Mike) J. Aronoff whose work on
political culture has built conceptual and methodological bridges
between political science and anthropology. Topics include the
legitimacy of the two-state solution, identity and memory,
denationalization, the role of trust in peace negotiations,
democracy, majority-minority relations, inclusion and exclusion,
Biblical and national narratives, art in public space, and
avant-garde theater. Countries covered include Israel, Palestine,
the United States, the Basque Autonomous Region of Spain, and
Poland. The first four chapters by Yael S. Aronoff, Saliba Sarsar,
Yossi Beilin, and Nadav Shelef examine aspects of the conflict and
peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, including
alternative solutions. The contributions by Naomi Chazan, Ilan
Peleg, and Joel Migdal tackle challenges to democracy in Israel, in
other divided societies, and in the creation of the American
public. Yael Zerubavel, Roland Vazquez, and Jan Kubik focus their
analyses on aspects of national memory, memorialization, and
dramatization. Mike Aronoff relates his work on various aspects of
political culture to each chapter in an integrative essay in the
Epilogue.
Public Opinion is Walter Lippmann's groundbreaking work which
demonstrates how individual beliefs are swayed by stereotypes, the
mass media, and political propaganda. The book opens with the
notion that democracy in the age of super fast communications is
obsolete. He analyses the impact of several phenomena, such as the
radio and newspapers, to support his criticisms of the
sociopolitical situation as it stands. He famously coins the term
'manufactured consent', for the fomenting of views which ultimately
work against the interests of those who hold them. Lippmann
contends that owing to the masses of information flung at the
population on a daily basis, opinions regarding entire groups in
society are being reduced to simple stereotypes. The actual
complexity and nuance of life, Lippmann contends, is undermined by
the ever-faster modes of communication appearing regularly.
In the months before the 2015 election, Lord Ashcroft Polls
conducted focus groups all over the country to find out whether the
parties' frenetic campaigning was having any effect on the people
it was supposed to impress: undecided voters in marginal seats. The
reports, collected here for the first time, show what was going on
behind the polling numbers - what people made of the stunts,
scandals and mishaps, as well as the policies, plans and promises
that constitute the race to Number Ten. As well as shedding light
on voters' hopes and fears, the book asks crucial questions: which
party leader is like a Chihuahua in a handbag? Which cartoon
character does David Cameron most resemble? What would Ed Miliband
do on a free Friday night? And is Nigel Farage more like Johnny
Rotten or the Wurzels?
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Judging Bush
(Paperback)
Robert Maranto, Tom Lansford, Jeremy Johnson
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R754
R670
Discovery Miles 6 700
Save R84 (11%)
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In Stock
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There is no shortage of opinions on the legacy that George W. Bush
will leave as 43rd President of the United States. Recognizing that
Bush the Younger has been variously described as dimwitted,
opportunistic, innovative, and bold, it would be presumptuous to
draw any hard and fast conclusions about how history will view him.
Nevertheless, it is well within academia's ability to begin to make
preliminary judgments by weighing the evidence we do have and
testing assumptions.
In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the initially
successful military campaign in Afghanistan, Bush and his
administration enjoyed nearly unprecedented popularity. But after
failures in Iraq and in the federal government's response to
Hurricane Katrina, Bush's approval ratings plummeted. Guided by a
new framework, "Judging Bush" boldly takes steps to evaluate the
highs and lows of the Bush legacy according to four types of
competence: strategic, political, tactical, and moral. It offers a
first look at the man, his domestic and foreign policies, and the
executive office's relationship to the legislative and judicial
branches from a distinguished and ideologically diverse set of
award-winning political scientists and White House veterans. Topics
include Bush's decision-making style, the management of the
executive branch, the role and influence of Dick Cheney, elections
and party realignment, the Bush economy, Hurricane Katrina, No
Child Left Behind, and competing treatments of the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Contributors include Lara M. Brown, David B. Cohen, Jeffrey E.
Cohen, Laura Conley, Jack Covarrubias, John J. DiIulio, Jr.,
William A. Galston, Frederick M. Hess, Karen M. Hult, Lori A.
Johnson, Robert G. Kaufman, Anne M. Khademian, Lawrence J. Korb,
Patrick McGuinn, Michael Moreland, Costas Panagopoulos, James P.
Pfiffner, Richard E. Redding, Neil Reedy, Andrew Rudalevige,
Charles E. Walcott, and Shirley Anne Warshaw.
Lessons in Governing is a unique contribution to the study of
Australian policy, politics and government institutions. It
examines the position of Chief of Staff to the Australian Prime
Minister from the perspective of key individuals who have held it.
Exploring the support needs of Australian political leaders, it
traces the forces that have shaped the growth and specialisation of
the Prime Minister's Office since Gough Whitlam first formalised
the appointment of a trusted senior person as head of his private
office in 1972. Individuals in successive PMOs have long been
recognised as key players, but their role has come under greater
scrutiny as the link between prime ministerial effectiveness and
the performance of their private offices has become more widely
understood. While insights and advice have been passed from one
incumbent to the next, there has been no systematic attempt to
understand and document the evolution of the chief-of-staff
position. Lessons in Governing addresses this critical gap in our
understanding of the contemporary practice of Australian political
leadership, reporting the findings of a project designed to develop
an empirically informed understanding of the role of prime
ministerial chiefs of staff as seen by those who held the post.
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