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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes
This book analyses how China has engaged in global IP governance
and the implications of its engagement for global distributive
justice. It investigates five cases on China's IP engagement in
geographical indications, the disclosure obligation, IP and
standardisation, and its bilateral and multilateral IP engagement.
It takes a regulation-oriented approach to examine substate and
non-state actors involved in China's global IP engagement,
identifies principles that have guided or constrained its
engagement, and discusses strategies actors have used in managing
the principles. Its focus on engagement directs attention to
processes instead of outcomes, which enables a more nuanced
understanding of the role that China plays in global IP governance
than the dichotomic categorisation of China either as a global IP
rule-taker or rule-maker. This book identifies two groups of
strategies that China has used in its global IP engagement: forum
and agenda-related strategies and principle-related strategies. The
first group concerns questions of where and how China has advanced
its IP agenda, including multi-forum engagement, dissembling, and
more cohesive responsive engagement. The second group consists of
strategies to achieve a certain principle or manage contesting
principles, including modelling and balancing. It shows that
China's deployment of engagement strategies makes its IP system
similar to those of the EU and the US. Its balancing strategy has
led to constructed inconsistency of its IP positions across forums.
This book argues that China still has some way to go to influence
global IP agenda-setting in a way matching its status as the second
largest economy.
Adolf Hitler was born in Austria in April 1889, and shot himself in
a bunker in Berlin in April 1945 with Russian soldiers beating at
the door, surrounded by the ruins of the country he had vowed to
restore to greatness. Adolf Hitler: The Curious and Macabre
Anecdotes - part biography, part miscellany, part historical
overview - presents the life and times of der Fuhrer in a unique
and compelling manner. The early life of the loner son of an
Austrian customs official gave little clue as to his later years.
As a decorated, twice-wounded soldier of the First World War,
through shrewd manipulation of Germany's offended national pride
after the war, Hitler ascended rapidly through the political
system, rousing the masses behind him with a thundering rhetoric
that amplified the nation's growing resentment and brought him the
adulation of millions. By the age of 44, he had become both a
millionaire with secret bank accounts in Switzerland and Holland,
and the unrivalled leader of Germany, whose military might he had
resurrected; six years later, he provoked the world to war. Patrick
Delaforce's book is a masterly assessment of Hitler's life, career
and beliefs, drawn not only from its subject's own writings,
speeches, conversation, poetry and art, but also from the accounts
of those who knew him, loved him, or loathed him. The journey of an
ordinary young man to callous dictator and architect of the 'Final
Solution' makes for provocative and important - thought not always
comfortable - reading.
At this juncture in American history, some of our most hard-fought
state-level political struggles involve control of state supreme
courts. New Hampshire witnessed one of the most dramatic of these,
culminating in the impeachment of Chief Justice David Brock in
2000, but the issues raised by the case are hardly confined to New
Hampshire. They involved the proper nature and operation of
judicial independence within a "populist" civic culture that had
long assumed the primacy of the legislative branch, extolled its
"citizen legislators" over insulated and professionalized elites,
and entrusted those legislators to properly supervise the
judiciary. In the last few decades of the 20th Century, New
Hampshire's judiciary had been substantially reconfigured:
constitutional amendments and other measures endorsed by the
national judicial-modernization movement had secured for it a much
higher level of independence and internal unification than it had
historically enjoyed. However, a bipartisan body of legislators
remained committed to the principle of legislative supremacy
inscribed in the state constitution of 1784. The 1980s and 1990s
witnessed a series of clashes over court administration,
allegations of judicial corruption, and finally a bitter and
protracted battle over Court decisions on educational funding.
Chief Justice Brock publicly embodied the judicial branch's new
status and assertiveness. When information came to light regarding
some of his administrative actions on the high court, deepening
antipathy toward him exploded into an impeachment crisis. The
struggle over Brock's conduct raised significant questions about
the meaning and proper practice of impeachment itself as a feature
of democratic governance. When articles of impeachment were voted
by the House of Representatives, the state Senate faced the
difficult task of establishing trial protocols that would balance
the political and juridical responsibilities devolved on them,
simultaneously, by the state constitution. Having struck that
balance, the trial they conducted would finally acquit Brock of all
charges. Nevertheless, David Brock's impeachment was a highly
consequential ordeal that provided a needed catalyst for reforms
intended to produce a productive recalibration of
legislative-judicial relations.
Recent Eurozone reforms mark the most profound deepening of
European integration since Maastricht. This book analyses how
member states formed preferences in the politics of these reforms,
and how preferences translated into policy outcomes on the European
level. The chapters summarize insights on the role of different
actors and institutions from four datasets based on 200 expert
interviews, the analysis of 5000 policy documents and
constitutional court cases in all EU member states. The findings
confirm some common wisdom, dispel some myths, and provide insights
into mechanisms facilitating further reforms. While quantitative
analyses show that 'Northern' and 'Southern' member states were
deeply divided, case study chapters provide more refined view.
Empirical data also indicate that reform decisions were dominated
by governments and EU institutions but dispel the notion that
Germany alone imposed its preferred policy. This book goes further
and unpacks the legacies of the EMU crisis that make future reforms
dependent on the reduction of financial sector risks, which is a
necessary condition for rebuilding trust and restarting the gradual
convergence of Eurozone reform preferences.
Mary Beth Rogers has led an eventful life rooted in the weeds of
Texas politics, occasionally savoring a few victories-particularly
the 1990 governor's race when, as campaign manager for Ann
Richards, she did the impossible and put a Democratic woman in
office. She also learned to absorb her losses-after all, she was a
liberal feminist in America's most aggressively conservative state.
Rogers's road to a political life was complex. Candidly and
vulnerably, she shares both public and private memories of how she
tried to maintain a rich family life with growing children and a
husband with a debilitating illness. She goes on to provide an
insider's account of her experiences as Richards's first chief of
staff while weaving her way through the highs and lows of political
intrigue and legislative maneuvering. Reflecting on her family
heritage and nascent spiritual quest, Rogers discovers a reality at
once sobering and invigorating: nothing is ever completely lost or
completely won. It is a constant struggle to create humane public
policies built on a foundation of fairness and justice-particularly
in her beloved Texas.
This book is an in-depth and bold dialogue with several
constituencies about the necessity of finding alternative pathways
to solve the monumental problems facing the nations of Sub-Saharan
Africa. It asserts that the most formidable barriers to progress in
Sub-Saharan Africa are Sub-Saharan Africans, particularly the
leaders. Thus, for these nations to escape from destitution, change
must originate from within. African leaders are reminded that life
anchored on the pursuit of money, material wealth, and power by any
means, is hollow, empty, and meaningless. The future leaders of
Sub-Saharan Africa are reminded that the Creator has endowed them
and the citizens of their nations with the talents they need to
develop themselves and their societies. Furthermore, nature has
been so kind to their nations, endowing them with more than
sufficient natural resources. Thus, they need not continue the
culture of dependency on the rest of the human race.
Why might some students convert their political interests into
activism when others do not? There is a strong need to understand
the changing dynamics of contemporary youth participation: how they
engage, what repertoires are considered efficacious, and their
motivations to get involved. This book uses the 2010/11 UK student
protests against fees and cuts as a case study for analysing some
of the key paths and barriers to political participation today.
These paths and barriers - which include an individual's family
socialisation, network positioning, and group identification (and
dis-identification) - help us explain why some people convert their
political sympathies and interests into action, and why others do
not. Drawing on an original survey dataset of students, the book
shows how and why students responded in the way that they did,
whether by occupying buildings, joining marches, signing petitions,
or not participating at all. Considering this in the context of
other student movements across the globe, the book's combination of
quantitative and qualitative methods, and its theoretical
contribution provide a more holistic picture of student protest
than is found in existing studies.
For seven seasons, AMC's Mad Men captivated audiences with the
story of Don Draper, an advertising executive whose personal and
professional successes and failures took viewers on a roller
coaster ride through America's tumultuous 1960s. More than just a
television show about one of advertising's "bad boys," the series
investigates the principles of the American regime, exploring
whether or not the American Dream is a sustainable vision of human
flourishing and happiness. This collection of essays investigates
the show's engagement with the philosophic and political
foundations of American democracy.
Lt. Governor Bill Ratliff is an engineer, a widely respected
senator, and according to Caroline Kennedy he is "an inspiration to
all who serve in government, and to all Americans." Senator
Ratliff, nicknamed "Obi Wan Kenobi" by his colleagues, was a
revered and much loved leader in Texas for more than a decade. He
singularly wrote the Texas Robin-Hood school finance law, a major
Ethics reform law, a Texas tort reform law, and held a great
disdain for narrow partisanship and politics. This is the
inspirational story of a great man doing good work in a time when
many are cynical about political leadership and government. His
courageous stand on principle brought him to a showdown with
powerful forces in the Bush White House and earned him the public
vitriol of right-wing billionaires.
Aldous Huxley: The Political Thought of a Man of Letters argues
that Huxley is not a man of letters engaged in politics, but a
political thinker who chooses literature to spread his ideas. His
preference for the dystopian genre is due to his belief in the
tremendous impact of dystopia on twentieth-century political
thought. His political thinking is not systematic, but this does
not stop his analysis from supplying elements that are original and
up-to-date, and that represent fascinating contributions of
political theory in all the spheres that he examines from
anti-Marxism to anti-positivism, from political realism to elitism,
from criticism of mass society to criticism of totalitarianism,
from criticism of ideologies to the future of liberal democracy,
from pacifism to ecological communitarianism. Huxley clearly
grasped the unsolved issues of contemporary liberalism, and the
importance of his influence on many twentieth-century and
present-day political thinkers ensures that his ideas remain
indispensable in the current liberal-democratic debate. Brave New
World is without doubt Huxley's most successful political
manifesto. While examining the impassioned struggle for the
development of all human potentialities, it yet manages not to
close the doors definitively on the rebirth of utopia in the age of
dystopia.
This book examines how 'citizen art' practices perform new kinds of
politics, as distinct from normative (status, participatory and
cosmopolitan) models. It contends that at a time in which the
conditions of citizenship have been radically altered (e.g., by the
increased securitization and individuation of bodies etc.), there
is an urgent drive for 'citizen art' to be enacted as a tool for
assessing the 'hollowed out' conditions of citizenship. 'Citizen
art', it shows, stands apart from other forms of Art by performing
'acts of citizenship' that reveal and transgress the limitations of
state-centred citizenship regimes, whilst simultaneously enacting
genuinely alternative modes of (non-statist) citizenship. This book
explains how 'citizen art' can make citizenship manifest in ways
that do not reify or valorize the nation-state, status rights, or
cosmopolitan imaginaries. It shows instead that the outcomes of
'citizen art', such as the institutions of solidarity, assembly and
interventions, reconfigure the 'tools' of politics in the act of
'doing politics' that, in turn, perform new and nascent modes of
(non-statist) citizenship. This book offers a new formulation of
'citizen art' - one that is interrogated on both critical and
material levels, and as such, that remodels the foundations on
which citizenship is conceived, performed and instituted.
In 2000, the UN Security Council adopted the ground-breaking
Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) placing women at
the centre of the agenda, thanks to years of campaigning. The
Resolution recognises the differential impact of armed conflict on
women and men, draws attention to the 'inextricable links between
gender equality and international peace and security' and stresses
the 'important role of women in the prevention and resolution of
conflicts and in peace-building'. But what exactly is the WPS
agenda and what is its content? What are its implications for peace
and for security? And what does it mean for international lawyers?
Through the narratives of women's activism and of international law
this book seeks to make the WPS agenda better known to
international lawyers and to ask whether it is, or could become, an
international legal regime that conforms and responds to the
realities of women's lives.
John Dunlop assumed the office of secretary of labor with a stern
warning about the creeping menace of over-regulation. A mounting
tide of red tape was creating a backlash among the people who were
on the receiving end of all of these rules, breeding a climate of
hostility that would make it all but impossible to solve the
nation's most pressing problems. Dunlop's cautionary words,
delivered nearly five decades ago, seem eerily prescient today as
resentment against elites fuels a right-wing populist rebellion in
the US and beyond. Yet even as he feared for the future, Dunlop was
intent on demonstrating that it was possible to craft lasting
solutions to seemingly intractable problems: soaring health-care
costs; racial inequity in the workplace and higher education; the
lack of basic labor protections for whole categories of workers;
and the loss of manufacturing jobs to globalization and automation.
Whatever the specific problem he was called upon to help solve,
Dunlop began with the view that no matter the intensity of the
divide, getting people talking was absolutely key to crafting an
enduring solution. In our own era of discord and fracture, Dunlop's
insights into the vital importance of talking, listening and
persuading as a means of working through complicated social issues
are more relevant than ever. Drawing on Dunlop's personal diary and
extensive interviews with his colleagues and co-workers, this
volume reconstructs key examples of Dunlop's problem-solving work.
A portrayal of his work and legacy, the book functions as a how-to
guide for applying Dunlop's approach to problem solving to the
urgent challenges that confront us today.
While South Africa has many stories about the struggle years, yet
many more remain untold. For the Fallen; honouring the unsung
heroes and heroines of the liberation struggle was inspired by a
radio interview with the late Govan Mbeki. In that interview Mbeki
emphasised the need for South Africans to tell their stories and
spread knowledge. It took a while for Ndlela to heed those words
and tell his story in this book. This book is as much about the
author’s concerns that a generation who have only known freedom
will forget or never even understand the great price it took to
gain that freedom, as it is about the often forgotten heroes and
heroines who showed their ultimate commitment to their ideals. The
book chronicles the author’s journey from Bedford in the Eastern
Cape as a young boy, fearful and yet defiant of the police who
harassed him and his friends, to the young militant who became an
MK soldier whose exile took him to Lesotho, Zambia, Angola and
Swaziland. He describes the inspiration he gained from the heroes
and heroines he encountered on this journey. These heroes and
heroines included the primary school teacher who encouraged parents
to broaden their thinking and who stressed the importance of
education; the radical high school teacher who defied the “system
“and the school curriculum to teach real, “current” history and the
man of God who was required to save souls in more ways than one. As
the reader accompanies Ndlela on this retrospective journey, one
will encounter individuals who would later play a pivotal role in
the establishment and concretisation of the democratic South
Africa, people such as Thenjiwe Mtintso, Chris Hani, Jeff Radebe,
Rev Makhenkesi Stofile, Mvuyo Tom and many others. For the Fallen
is above all, a reminder that our freedom was not lightly gained
and that we should keep telling these stories, lest we forget.
African political writing of the mid-20th century seeks to
critically engage with questions of identity, history, and the
state for the purpose of national and human liberation. This volume
collects an array of essays that reflect on anticolonialism in
Africa, broadly defined. Each contribution connects the historical
period with the anticolonial present through a critical examination
of what constitutes the anticolonial archive. The volume considers
archive in a Derridean sense, as always in the process of being
constructed such that the assessment of the African anticolonial
archive is one that involves a contemporary process of curating.
The essays in this volume, as well as the volume itself, enact
different ways of curating material from this period. The project
reflects an approach to documents, arguments, and materials that
can be considered "international relations" and "world politics,"
but in ways that that intentionally leaves them unhinged from these
disciplinary meanings. While we examine many of the same questions
that have been asked within area studies, African studies, and
International Relations, we do so through an alternative archive.
In doing so, we challenge the assumption that Africa is solely the
domain of policy makers and area studies, and African peoples as
the objects of data
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