For decades, the writings of James MacGregor Burns have defined the central issues in our understanding of leadership. Their impact is illustrated here through ten chapters exploring Burns' research on presidential leadership and related issues of moral and effective leadership, the nature of social change and transformation, and the subtleties of the relationships between leaders and followers. Exploring history through the dynamics of leadership, this extraordinary volume outlines the dynamics of social change and transformation and illustrates how leaders shape followers' motivations. The transactional and transforming leadership of various US presidents are considered within broader questions of personal ethics, conflict and compromise, and historical contingency. The presidencies of Thomas Jefferson, Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson in particular transformed American society and American politics. The essays in this book explore the several ways they fought for enduring human values using power resources that aroused and satisfied deep human motives and tested the limits of leadership effectiveness and morality. Students of leadership, the US Presidency, the American founding, and history more generally will find this book enlightening. Scholars and leaders in business, psychology and philosophy with also find much of value given James MacGregor Burns's insightful analysis across a wide field of disciplines. Contributors include: S.T. Allison, D. Bradburn, J.B. Ciulla, R.A. Couto, T.E. Cronin, G.R. Goethals, G.R. Hickman, E.J. Larso, G. Sorenson, P. Spero

In this Third Edition of STATE AND LOCAL POLITICS: INSTITUTIONS AND REFORM, Donovan, Mooney, and Smith go beyond the purely descriptive treatment usually found in state and local texts. Offering an engaging comparative approach, the Third Edition shows students how politics and government differ between states and communities, and points out the causes and effects of those variations. The text also focuses on what social scientists know about the effects of rules and institutions on politics and policy. This comparative, institutional framework enables students to think more analytically about the impact of institutions on policy outcomes, asks them to evaluate the effectiveness of one institutional approach over another, and encourages them to consider more sophisticated solutions. Written by three young, high-profile specialists who have contributed significantly to the field in the last decade, STATE AND LOCAL POLITICS: INSTITUTIONS AND REFORM incorporates the most recent scholarship available into the course, giving students access to perspectives that no other textbook on the market currently provides.

This thoroughly revised and updated edition of The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe provides an authoritative and thorough analysis of the political changes which have occurred in Central and Eastern Europe since the demise of communism. It offers an historical, comparative perspective of the region and focuses on the social consequences of the democratization process throughout the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century. Significantly, this new edition includes an examination of the South East European countries of Croatia, Serbia and Moldova, which are often overlooked in studies on post-communist political development. The country-specific chapters are each written by distinguished scholars with particular expertise in their respective cases: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia and Moldova. Each chapter includes detailed examinations of elections, the formation of governments, electoral systems and constitutional arrangements. These up-to-date analyses are supplemented by conclusions on the party systems and emerging political structures in the region as a whole, and the consolidation of democracy in a post-communist setting. The revised and expanded version of The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe provides a state-of-the art companion which will be indispensable for students and scholars in the social sciences, including political science, comparative politics, European studies and political history.

El presente trabajo es una obra que pretende incursionar en la sociedad y sus organizaciones p blicas; obra moderada, que sin embargo podr a parecer radical para algunos lectores. No obstante, es la firme voluntad de contribuir con ideas al desarrollo de nuestro pa s, mismo que presenta los problemas de toda sociedad org nica. Puedo asegurar que en M xico erigir un gobierno hacia el futuro, no es una utop a, si bien es un proyecto dif cil de organizar, tampoco es imposible. Debemos consagrar todo esfuerzo en donde se pueda disfrutar de instituciones s lidas en la cosa p blica, las cuales respondan a las necesidades de una poblaci n vida de disfrutar buenos servicios, tanto p blicos como privados. Lo anterior solamente se puede lograr con un nuevo modelo de gobierno generador de riqueza y una administraci n con una visi n del futuro.

This book tells the story of 1960-a tumultuous, transitional year that unleashed the forces that eventually reshaped the American nation and the entire planet, to the joy of millions and the sorrow of millions more. In 1960, attitudes were changing; barriers were falling. It was a transitional year, during which the world as we know it today was beginning to take shape. While other books have focused on the presidential contest between Kennedy and Nixon, A New World to Be Won: John Kennedy, Richard Nixon, and the Tumultuous Year of 1960 illuminates the emerging forces that would transform the nation and the world during the 1960s, putting the election in the broader context of American history-and world history as well. While the author does devote a large portion of this book to the 1960 presidential campaign, he also highlights four pivotal trends that changed life for decades to come: unprecedented scientific breakthroughs, ranging from the Xerox copier to new spacecraft for manned flight; fragmentation of the international power structure, notably the schism between the Soviet Union and China; the pursuit of freedom, both through the civil rights movement at home and the drive for independence in Africa; and the elevation of pleasure and self-expression in American culture, largely as a result of federal approval of the birth-control pill and the increasing popularity of illegal drugs. Photographs of key newsmakers and important events throughout the year A bibliography with a detailed listing of more than 400 sources, including oral histories, government publications, memoirs, and journals A comprehensive index by name and subject Footnotes for the full manuscript

Economic Institutions and Democratic Reform rigorously and systematically explores the political effects and consequences of economic reform in more than 20 post-communist countries. By using primary quantitative data and stringent statistical analyses, Ole Norgaard demonstrates that there is no universally applicable economic reform strategy and that popular democracy is often the foundation of a successful economy, rather than a powerful executive or president, as is popularly asserted. The book also shows that generalised models are not productive when studying the complexity of post-communist transformation. The author argues that the danger to democracy comes from the alienation of citizens and the collapse of public service and education systems instigated by individuals who, with few democratic credentials, capture the political playing field. These leaders have often been encouraged by Western governments who believe democracy can only be imposed on reluctant societies by newborn capitalist elites. This book will be essential and challenging reading for political scientists and economists as well as policymakers in NGOs, such as aid agencies and the institutions of the EU.

There exists considerable disagreement about whether the United States president has a direct and measurable influence over the economy. The analysis presented in Economic Actors, Economic Behaviors, and Presidential Leadership suggests that while the presidents have increased their rhetoric regarding the economy, they have not had much success in shaping it. Despite attempts to tailor rhetoric to influence specific actors, the presidents are incredibly ineffective. Considering this research, Arthur argues that the president s decision to address the economy so often must stem from a symbolic placation or institutional necessity that is intended to comfort constituencies or somehow garner electoral advocacy from the party s base. No other viable explanation exists given the lack of results presidents obtain from discussing the economy and their persistent determination to do so. This discrepancy suggests that presidential rhetoric on the economy is, at best, a tool used to appear concerned about the economy to everyone and toeing the party-line to their base. Moreover, it allows them to present the facade to their constituents that they are in control of a crucial facet of American life."

For those interested in continuing the struggle for decolonization, the word "multiculturalism" is mostly a sad joke. After all, institutionalized multiculturalism today is a managerial muck of buzzwords, branding strategies, and virtue signaling that has nothing to do with real struggles against racism and colonialism. But Decolonize Multiculturalism unearths a buried history. Decolonize Multiculturalism focuses on the story of the student and youth movements of the 1960s and 1970s, inspired by global movements for decolonization and anti-racism, who aimed to fundamentally transform their society, as well as the violent repression of these movements by the state, corporations, and university administrations. Part of the response has been sheer violence-campus policing, for example, only began in the 1970s, paving the way for the militarized campuses of today-with institutionalized multiculturalism acting like the velvet glove around the iron fist of state violence. But this means that today's multiculturalism also contains residues of the original radical demands of the student and youth movements that it aims to repress: to open up the university, to wrench it from its settler colonial, white supremacist, and patriarchal capitalist origins, and to transform it into a place of radical democratic possibility.

From one of America's most respected journalists and modern historians comes the highly acclaimed, "splendid" (The Washington Post) biography of Jimmy Carter, the thirty-ninth president of the United States and Nobel Prize-winning humanitarian. Jonathan Alter tells the epic story of an enigmatic man of faith and his improbable journey from barefoot boy to global icon. Alter paints an intimate and surprising portrait of the only president since Thomas Jefferson who can fairly be called a Renaissance Man, a complex figure-ridiculed and later revered-with a piercing intelligence, prickly intensity, and biting wit beneath the patented smile. Here is a moral exemplar for our times, a flawed but underrated president of decency and vision who was committed to telling the truth to the American people. Growing up in one of the meanest counties in the Jim Crow South, Carter is the only American president who essentially lived in three centuries: his early life on the farm in the 1920s without electricity or running water might as well have been in the nineteenth; his presidency put him at the center of major events in the twentieth; and his efforts on conflict resolution and global health set him on the cutting edge of the challenges of the twenty-first. "One of the best in a celebrated genre of presidential biography," (The Washington Post), His Very Best traces how Carter evolved from a timid, bookish child-raised mostly by a Black woman farmhand-into an ambitious naval nuclear engineer writing passionate, never-before-published love letters from sea to his wife and full partner, Rosalynn; a peanut farmer and civic leader whose guilt over staying silent during the civil rights movement and not confronting the white terrorism around him helped power his quest for racial justice at home and abroad; an obscure, born-again governor whose brilliant 1976 campaign demolished the racist wing of the Democratic Party and took him from zero percent to the presidency; a stubborn outsider who failed politically amid the bad economy of the 1970s and the seizure of American hostages in Iran but succeeded in engineering peace between Israel and Egypt, amassing a historic environmental record, moving the government from tokenism to diversity, setting a new global standard for human rights and normalizing relations with China among other unheralded and far-sighted achievements. After leaving office, Carter eradicated diseases, built houses for the poor, and taught Sunday school into his mid-nineties. This "important, fair-minded, highly readable contribution" (The New York Times Book Review) will change our understanding of perhaps the most misunderstood president in American history.

Order and Compromise questions the historicity of government practices in Turkey from the late Ottoman Empire up to the present day. It explores how institutions at work are being framed by constant interactions with non-institutional characters from various social realms. This volume thus approaches the state-society continuum as a complex and shifting system of positions. Inasmuch as they order and ordain, state authorities leave room for compromise, something which has hitherto been little studied in concrete terms. By combining in-depth case studies with an interdisciplinary conceptual framework, this collection helps apprehend the morphology and dynamics of public action and state-society relations in Turkey. Contributors are: Marc Aymes, Olivier Bouquet, Nicolas Camelio, Nathalie Clayer, Anouck Gabriela Corte-Real Pinto, Berna Ekal, Benoit Fliche, Muriel Girard, Benjamin Gourisse, Sumbul Kaya, Noemi Levy Aksu, Elise Massicard, Jean-Francois Perouse, Clemence Scalbert Yucel, Emmanuel Szurek and Claire Visier.

An indispensable resource for all readers, this book summarizes the founding of America alongside the personal and public life of one of America's most influential Founders through a comprehensive investigation of Hamilton's extensive writings. A product of extremely humble birth, Alexander Hamilton rose to become one of America's leading political figures, helping to determine the direction of nearly all of the seminal events of the founding of the country. The author introduces, provides notes on, and critically evaluates approximately 60 key documents that Hamilton wrote from his youth in the Caribbean through his leadership of the Federalist Party in the 1800s. In examining these writings, the book covers important periods of American history including the American Revolution, the ratification of the Constitution, the formation of the nation's first financial system, and the establishment of political parties. This book is a valuable resource for anyone who wants to study the key moments of the revolutionary and founding periods of America through the life and legacy of one of the country's most eminent statesmen. The work concludes with a chronology that provides historical context for the most significant personal and political events in Hamilton's life and a bibliography that offers a basis for further study.

This book centers on one fundamental question: is it possible to imagine a progressive sense of nation? Rooted in historic and contemporary social struggles, the chapters in this collection examine what a progressive sense of nation might look like, with authors exploring the theory and practice of the nation beyond nationalism. The book is written against the background of rising authoritarian-nationalist movements globally over the last few decades, where many countries have witnessed the dramatic escalation of ethnic-nationalist parties impacting and changing mainstream politics and normalizing anti-immigration, anti-democratic and Islamophobic discourse. This volume discusses viable alternatives for nationalism, which is inherently exclusionary, exploring the possibility of a type of nation-based politics which does not follow the principles of nationalism. With its focus on nationalism, politics and social struggles, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of political and social sciences.

How should failed states in Africa be understood? Catherine Scott here critically engages with the concept of state failure and provides an historical reinterpretation. She shows that, although the concept emerged in the context of the post-Cold War new world order, the phenomenon has been attendant throughout (and even before) the development of the Westphalian state system. Contemporary failed states, however, differ from their historical counterparts in one fundamental respect: they fail within their existing borders and continue to be recognised as something that they are not. This peculiarity derives from international norms instituted in the era of decolonisation, which resulted in the inviolability of state borders and the supposed universality of statehood. Scott argues that contemporary failed states are, in fact, failed post-colonies. Thus understood, state failure is less the failure of existing states and more the failed rooting and institutionalisation of imported and reified models of Western statehood. Drawing on insights from the histories of Uganda and Burundi, from pre-colonial polity formation to the present day, she explores why and how there have been failures to create effective and legitimate national states within the bounds of inherited colonial jurisdictions on much of the African continent.

." . . the real source of his Cooley's] fame. This book originated from the need of introducing a course on Constitutional Law in the school. . . . The text was developed as a basis for lectures. . . . His discussion attained immediate fame and his views and suggestions practically dominated American Constitutional Law. . . . Like Blackstone, Pomeroy and many other legal works, the influence of Constitutional Limitations rests partly upon literary qualities, upon clarity and grace of unaffected statement." --James G. Rogers, American Bar Leaders 70."The most influential work ever published on American Constitutional law." --Edward S. Corwin, Constitutional Revolution 87.Thomas McIntyre Cooley 1824-1898] was a justice of the Michigan Supreme Court and was appointed by President Grover Cleveland to serve on the Interstate Commerce Commission. He was a visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University and dean of the University of Michigan Law School. First issued in 1870, his edition of Blackstone, popularly known as "Cooley's Blackstone," was the standard American edition of the late nineteenth century. Some of his other influential publications are A Treatise on the Law of Taxation (1876) and A Treatise on the Law of Torts or the Wrongs Which Arise Independently of Contract (1878). Thomas M. Cooley Law School in Lansing, Michigan, founded in 1972, was named in his honor.

This book offers a generic explanation of the political economy of the EU, demonstrating in a clear and comprehensive way how the present institutional set-up makes it vulnerable to lobbyism, corruption and the destruction of social capital. Gert Tinggaard Svendsen contends that this 'EU disease' may be avoided by strengthening the power of the EU Parliament at the expense of the EU Commission. The book also discusses issues surrounding policy design, international negotiations on climate change and renewable energy sources. Using an interdisciplinary framework, the author examines how the current institutional set-up of the EU will determine future economic performance and will adversely affect policy outcomes. He looks at whether fundamental EU policies, such as the CAP, are consistent with economic growth or whether these policies will instead distort markets, leading to economic decline. Focusing in detail on international climate negotiations and wind energy, the author explores the way in which the design of a policy proposal can be affected by the interactions between interest groups and the institutions and bureaucrats of the EU. The case of greenhouse gas emissions trading is a unique example because it allows the author to actually measure lobbyism as the difference between the proposed design and the final EU directive. The interdisciplinary approach of the book and the original treatment of a very pertinent subject will appeal to academics, economists, political scientists and decision-makers. It will also interest and inform a wide readership in the social sciences, particularly those with an interest in the institutional structure of the EU.

Orestes Brownson's thought-provoking thesis on the US government, the Constitution of the United States, and the ultimate destiny of the USA, remains as incisive and intellectually rich today as when it was first published. Combining history with political philosophy, Brownson casts his analytical gaze to the inception of the American nation. Using a wide variety of documents, including those authored by the Founding Fathers prior to and following the creation of the United States, the author attempts to demonstrate how religion and politics are interrelated - in the case of America's founding, both had roles. Writing in the mid-19th century, Orestes Brownson attempts to clarify what the nature of the U.S. government is, and how the Constitution reflects it. Various natural laws, such as those pertaining to the family and human development of civilization, are examined. Part of Brownson's conclusion is the idea religion must continue to play a role in the USA, just as it has since the colonial era.

Hailed in the Times Literary Supplement as ‘probably the finest piece of non-fiction to come out of South Africa since the end of apartheid’, The Dream Deferred is back in print and updated with a brilliant new epilogue.

The prosperous Mbeki clan lost everything to apartheid. Yet the family saw its favourite son, Thabo, rise to become president of South Africa in 1999. A decade later, Mbeki was ousted by his own party and his legacy is bitterly contested – particularly over his handling of the AIDS epidemic and the crisis in Zimbabwe.

Through the story of the Mbeki family, award-wining journalist Mark Gevisser tells the gripping tale of the last tumultuous century of South Africa life, following the family’s path to make sense of the liberation struggle and the future that South Africa has inherited. At the centre of the story is Mbeki, a visionary yet tragic figure who led South Africa to freedom but was not able to overcome the difficulties of his own dislocated life.

It is 15 years since Mbeki was unceremoniously dumped by the ANC, giving rise to the wasted years under Jacob Zuma. With the benefit of hindsight, and as Mbeki reaches the age of 80, Gevisser examines the legacy of the man who succeeded Mandela.