In a growing number of instances after the cold war, the United Nations and other international actors have sought to rebuild or establish new political institutions in states or territories recovering from violent conflict. From Afghanistan, Iraq, and the western Balkans to less prominent wars in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Central America, and the South Pacific, the international community's response involves extensive intrusions into the domestic affairs of sovereign states. Extending beyond the narrow mandates of traditional peacekeeping and humanitarian relief operations, these interventions aspire to reconstitute local power within a democratic framework. Democratic Peacebuilding examines the evolution of international peacebuilding during this tumultuous period, identifying the factors that limit the progress of international actors to institutionalize democratic authority and the rule of law in war-shattered societies.
Based on extensive field research, the book gives particular attention to Afghanistan's Bonn Agreement process (2001-2005) and Post-Bonn period (2006-2009), in which the country's multiple, competing forms of authority (e.g. religious leaders, tribal elders, militia commanders, and technocrats) challenged efforts to create "modern" forms of political authority rooted in democratic norms and the rule of law. Despite the significant risks involved, Democratic Peacebuilding argues that the institutionalization of democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully. At the same time, one overlooked problem of international peacebuilding stems from the divergent conceptions, between international officials and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy. By helping a conflict-affected society reconcile the inherent tensions between competing forms of authority and, over time, deepen democracy--rather than lower the metrics for progress and conditions for exit, international peacebuilders can contribute to improved conditions for governance and a reduction in intra-state political violence. This examination of the peacebuilding-democratization nexus in war-torn societies aims to generate new insights for scholars, policy-makers, and practitioners in both the study and practice of politics and international relations.

Order and Compromise questions the historicity of government practices in Turkey from the late Ottoman Empire up to the present day. It explores how institutions at work are being framed by constant interactions with non-institutional characters from various social realms. This volume thus approaches the state-society continuum as a complex and shifting system of positions. Inasmuch as they order and ordain, state authorities leave room for compromise, something which has hitherto been little studied in concrete terms. By combining in-depth case studies with an interdisciplinary conceptual framework, this collection helps apprehend the morphology and dynamics of public action and state-society relations in Turkey. Contributors are: Marc Aymes, Olivier Bouquet, Nicolas Camelio, Nathalie Clayer, Anouck Gabriela Corte-Real Pinto, Berna Ekal, Benoit Fliche, Muriel Girard, Benjamin Gourisse, Sumbul Kaya, Noemi Levy Aksu, Elise Massicard, Jean-Francois Perouse, Clemence Scalbert Yucel, Emmanuel Szurek and Claire Visier.

Looking at a series of Swiss political debates, this book offers a case study of a revolutionary transformation to a rights-based society and political culture. Based on a tradition of political innovation and experimentation, Swiss citizens recalibrated their understanding of liberty and republicanism from 1750 to 1848. The resulting hybrid political culture centered around republican ideas, changing understandings of liberty and self-rule. Drawing from the public political debates in three characteristic cantons, A Laboratory of Liberty places the Swiss transformation into a European context. Current trends in Revolutionary studies focus on the revolution in its global context and this book demonstrates that the Swiss case enhances our understanding of the debates over the nature of liberty in the transatlantic world during the Age of Revolution.

An indispensable resource for all readers, this book summarizes the founding of America alongside the personal and public life of one of America's most influential Founders through a comprehensive investigation of Hamilton's extensive writings. A product of extremely humble birth, Alexander Hamilton rose to become one of America's leading political figures, helping to determine the direction of nearly all of the seminal events of the founding of the country. The author introduces, provides notes on, and critically evaluates approximately 60 key documents that Hamilton wrote from his youth in the Caribbean through his leadership of the Federalist Party in the 1800s. In examining these writings, the book covers important periods of American history including the American Revolution, the ratification of the Constitution, the formation of the nation's first financial system, and the establishment of political parties. This book is a valuable resource for anyone who wants to study the key moments of the revolutionary and founding periods of America through the life and legacy of one of the country's most eminent statesmen. The work concludes with a chronology that provides historical context for the most significant personal and political events in Hamilton's life and a bibliography that offers a basis for further study.

Born in Gering, Nebraska on May 2, 1920, Dale Cannady has witnessed a dramatically changing world. Using the GI Bill to gain his college education at the University of Washington in Seattle, Dale rose to be Assistant City Planning Director in Portland, Oregon. My Thoughts is the culmination of 92 years of experience and observation.

No cabe duda que la historia de los Estados Unidos es muy significativa, porque esta plagada de hechos sin precedentes, que marcaron el destino de la nacion mas poderosa del mundo, cuna de la democracia y la libertad. Pero en esa historia intervinieron una serie de hombres, todos lideres, que pusieron su mejor esfuerzo para dejar constancia de su paso por la silla presidencial. Evidentemente los resultados se han dejado ver, por ello, esta obra es interesante, ya que data de las biografias de cada uno de los presidentes, desde George Washington, hasta Barack Obama. "Residentes de la Casa Blanca" cita las fechas precisas de nacimiento, fallecimiento, duracion gubernamental, y hechos mas relevantes de los gobernantes, asi como una fotografia alusiva a cada mandatario. Seguramente, este opusculo sera muy interesante para aquellos que decidan ponerlo en sus manos, para saber como se levanto un erial en la primera potencia en el ambito internacional.

Founding Fathers Four Pack includes the American classic The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, the lesser-known, concise Autobiography of Thomas Jefferson, the biography Alexander Hamilton by Charles A. Conant and an insightful essay on John Jay by Elbert Hubbard.

Every politically sentient American knows that Congress has been dominated by special interests, and many people do not remember a time when Congress legislated in the public interest. In the 1960s and '70s, however, lobbyists were aggressive but were countered by progressive senators and representatives, as several books have documented. What has remained untold is the major behind-the-scenes contribution of entrepreneurial Congressional staff, who planted the seeds of public interest bills in their bosses' minds and maneuvered to counteract the influence of lobbyists to pass laws in consumer protection, public health, and other policy arenas crying out for effective government regulation. They infuriated Nixon's advisor, John Ehrlichman, who called them ""bumblebees,"" a name they wore as a badge of honor. For his insider account, Pertschuk draws on many interviews, as well as his fifteen years serving on the staff of the Senate Commerce Committee that Senator Warren Magnuson chaired and as the committee's Democratic Staff Director. That committee became, in Ralph Nader's words, ""the Grand Central Station for consumer protection advocates.

This book examines civil liberties in China today, covering the topics of constitutional rights of citizens, rights of the criminally accused, the court and legal systems, and judicial conflicts between government regulation and personal freedoms. The Constitution of the People's Republic of China was amended in 2004 to expressly include the protection of human rights, and the last revision of the Constitution in 1982 ostensibly guaranteed civil liberties such as freedom of speech, of the press, and of assembly. In actuality, China still resorts to suppressive actions such as strictly controlling accessible content on the Internet and censorship of the media, as well as silencing criticism of government or calls for political reform. Civil Liberties in China explores both theory and practice by identifying key issues in Chinese ideology, government, and human rights. The book assesses historical evidence and empirical data, putting major legal cases in the context of Chinese traditions and culture. Abortion, the one-child policy, and privacy issues are given special attention. 20 photos A list of further print and electronic resources A chronology.

Winner: American Politics Group Richard E Neustadt Prize Winner: Sally and Morris Lasky Prize The election of 1824 is commonly viewed as a mildly interesting contest involving several colorful personalities-John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and William H. Crawford-that established Old Hickory as the people's choice and yet, through "bargain and corruption," deprived him of the presidency. In The One-Party Presidential Contest, Donald Ratcliffe reveals that Jackson was not the most popular candidate and the corrupt bargaining was a myth. The election saw the final disruption of both the dominant Democratic Republican Party and the dying Federalist Party, and the creation of new political formations that would slowly evolve into the Democratic and National Republicans (later Whig) Parties-thus bringing about arguably the greatest voter realignment in US history. Bringing to bear over 35 years of research, Ratcliffe describes how loyal Democratic Republicans tried to control the election but failed, as five of their party colleagues persisted in competing, in novel ways, until the contest had to be decided in the House of Representatives. Initially a struggle between personalities, the election evolved into a fight to control future policy, with large consequences for future presidential politics. The One-Party Presidential Contest offers a nuanced account of the proceedings, one that balances the undisciplined conflict of personal ambitions with the issues, principles, and prejudices that swirled around the election. In this book we clearly see, perhaps for the first time, how the election of 1824 revealed fracture lines within the young republic-and created others that would forever change the course of American politics.

The concept of individualism has gone through a fundamental change, according to distinguished political theorist Nadia Urbinati. In the nineteenth century, individualism was a philosophical and ethical perspective that permitted each person to respect and cooperate with others as equals in rights and dignity for the betterment of the community as a whole. Today, the individualist is a more self-interested entity whose maxim might best be expressed as "I don't give a damn." This contemporary form of individualism is possessive and conformist, litigious and docile, all too prone to manipulate norms and to submit to the tyrannical sway of private interests. As such, Urbinati believes, it represents the most radical risk that modern democracy currently faces. This well-reasoned and thought-provoking polemic is an attempt to detect the "tyranny of the moderns," with the ultimate aim of recovering the role of the individual citizen as a free and equal agent of democratic society. It explores the concept of communitarianism as a form of individualism applied to the group itself, and advances the idea that the rescue of true individualism from the current ideology is a basic condition for the defense of democratic citizenship.

Land and Dignity in Paraguay analyzes the sociopolitical mobilization around land rights of the indigenous communities in this country. Throughout Paraguay, indigenous communities have seen their lands sold to private agriculture business, in addition to being subjected to arrests, intimidation, and torture. Since the fall of Stroessner's dictatorship in 1989, these communities have been organizing to oppose neoliberal policies, especially that of land privatization. Such mobilization nearly always coalesces around an organizing frame, and the prominence of dignity in the framing of the Paraguayan movement is clear. Drawing on media coverage and extensive interviews with indigenous leaders, civil society leaders, and government officials, the book argues that active social mobilization developed around the dignity frame and concludes by looking at the implications for conflict resolution processes and for Paraguay's new democracy. A unique case study, Land and Dignity in Paraguay will interest anyone studying indigenous politics, Latin American politics, as well as issues of development and human rights.